perceptible in it. The manuscript of the 
fragments was a rough draft from the author's own hand, much blotted
and very confused. 
The Third Letter on the Proposals for Peace was in its progress through 
the press when the author died. About one half of it was actually 
revised in print by himself, though not in the exact order of the pages as 
they now stand. He enlarged his first draft, and separated one great 
member of his subject, for the purpose of introducing some other 
matter between. The different parcels of manuscript designed to 
intervene were discovered. One of them he seemed to have gone over 
himself, and to have improved and augmented. The other (fortunately 
the smaller) was much more imperfect, just as it was taken from his 
mouth by dictation. The former reaches from the two hundred and 
forty-sixth to near the end of the two hundred and sixty-second page; 
the latter nearly occupies the twelve pages which follow.[3] No 
important change, none at all affecting the meaning of any passage, has 
been made in either, though in the more imperfect parcel some latitude 
of discretion in subordinate points was necessarily used. 
There is, however, a considerable member for the greater part of which 
Mr. Burke's reputation is not responsible: this is the inquiry into the 
condition of the higher classes, which commences in the two hundred 
and ninety-fifth page.[4] The summary of the whole topic, indeed, 
nearly as it stands in the three hundred and seventy-third and fourth 
pages,[5] was found, together with a marginal reference to the 
Bankrupt List, in his own handwriting; and the actual conclusion of the 
Letter was dictated by him, but never received his subsequent 
correction. He had also preserved, as materials for this branch of his 
subject, some scattered hints, documents, and parts of a correspondence 
on the state of the country. He was, however, prevented from working 
on them by the want of some authentic and official information, for 
which he had been long anxiously waiting, in order to ascertain, to the 
satisfaction of the public, what, with his usual sagacity, he had fully 
anticipated from his own personal observation, to his own private 
conviction. At length the reports of the different committees which had 
been appointed by the two Houses of Parliament amply furnished him 
with evidence for this purpose. Accordingly he read and considered 
them with attention: but for anything beyond this the season was now 
past. The Supreme Disposer of All, against whose inscrutable counsels 
it is vain as well as impious to murmur, did not permit him to enter on
the execution of the task which he meditated. It was resolved, therefore, 
by one of his friends, after much hesitation, and under a very painful 
responsibility, to make such an attempt as he could at supplying the 
void; especially because the insufficiency of our resources for the 
continuance of the war was understood to have been the principal 
objection urged against the two former Letters on the Proposals for 
Peace. In performing with reverential diffidence this duty of friendship, 
care has been taken not to attribute to Mr. Burke any sentiment which 
is not most explicitly known, from repeated conversations, and from 
much correspondence, to have been decidedly entertained by that 
illustrious man. One passage of nearly three pages, containing a 
censure of our defensive system, is borrowed from a private letter, 
which he began to dictate with an intention of comprising in it the short 
result of his opinions, but which he afterwards abandoned, when, a 
little time before his death, his health appeared in some degree to 
amend, and he hoped that Providence might have spared him at least to 
complete the larger public letter, which he then proposed to resume. 
In the preface to the former edition of this Letter a fourth was 
mentioned as being in possession of Mr. Burke's friends. It was in fact 
announced by the author himself, in the conclusion of the second, 
which it was then designed to follow. He intended, he said, to proceed 
next on the question of the facilities possessed by the French Republic, 
_from the internal state of other nations, and particularly of this_, for 
obtaining her ends,--and as his notions were controverted, to take 
notice of what, in that way, had been recommended to him. The vehicle 
which he had chosen for this part of his plan was an answer to a 
pamphlet which was supposed to come from high authority, and was 
circulated by ministers with great industry, at the time of its appearance, 
in October, 1795, immediately previous to that session of Parliament 
when his Majesty for the first time declared that the appearance of any 
disposition in the enemy to negotiate for general peace should not fail 
to be met with    
    
		
	
	
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