the end of the fifteenth century the European 
trader had no direct contact with the sources of these precious 
commodities; the supply of them was scanty and the price high. The 
desire to gain a more direct access to the sources of this traffic, and to 
obtain control of the supply, formed the principal motive for the great 
explorations. But these, in their turn, disclosed fresh tropical areas 
worth exploiting, and introduced new luxuries, such as tobacco and tea, 
which soon took rank as necessities. They also brought a colossal 
increment of wealth to the countries which had undertaken them. Hence 
the acquisition of a share in, or a monopoly of, these lucrative lines of
trade became a primary object of ambition to all the great states. In the 
nineteenth century Europe began to be unable to supply her own needs 
in regard to the products of the temperate zone, and therefore to desire 
control over other areas of this type; but until then it was mainly in 
regard to the tropical or sub-tropical areas that the commercial motive 
formed the predominant element in the imperial rivalries of the nation- 
states. And even to-day it is over these areas that their conflicts are 
most acute. 
A third motive for imperial expansion, which must not be overlooked, 
is the zeal for propaganda: the eagerness of virile peoples to propagate 
the religious and political ideas which they have adopted. But this is 
only another way of saying that nations are impelled upon the imperial 
career by the desire to extend the influence of their conception of 
civilisation, their Kultur. In one form or another this motive has always 
been present. At first it took the form of religious zeal. The spirit of the 
Crusaders was inherited by the Portuguese and the Spaniards, whose 
whole history had been one long crusade against the Moors. When the 
Portuguese started upon the exploration of the African coast, they could 
scarcely have sustained to the end that long and arduous task if they 
had been allured by no other prospect than the distant hope of finding a 
new route to the East. They were buoyed up also by the desire to strike 
a blow for Christianity. They expected to find the mythical Christian 
empire of Prester John, and to join hands with him in overthrowing the 
infidel. When Columbus persuaded Queen Isabella of Castile to supply 
the means for his madcap adventure, it was by a double inducement 
that he won her assent: she was to gain access to the wealth of the 
Indies, but she was also to be the means of converting the heathen to a 
knowledge of Christianity; and this double motive continually recurs in 
the early history of the Spanish Empire. France could scarcely, perhaps, 
have persisted in maintaining her far from profitable settlements on the 
barren shores of the St. Lawrence if the missionary motive had not 
existed alongside of the motives of national pride and the desire for 
profits: her great work of exploration in the region of the Great Lakes 
and the Mississippi Valley was due quite as much to the zeal of the 
heroic missionaries of the Jesuit and other orders as to the enterprise of 
trappers and traders. In English colonisation, indeed, the missionary 
motive was never, until the nineteenth century, so strongly marked. But
its place was taken by a parallel political motive. The belief that they 
were diffusing the free institutions in which they took so much pride 
certainly formed an element in the colonial activities of the English. It 
is both foolish and unscientific to disregard this element of propaganda 
in the imperialist movement, still more to treat the assertion of it by the 
colonising powers as mere hypocrisy. The motives of imperial 
expansion, as of other human activities, are mixed, and the loftier 
elements in them are not often predominant. But the loftier elements 
are always present. It is hypocrisy to pretend that they are alone or even 
chiefly operative. But it is cynicism wholly to deny their influence. 
And of the two sins cynicism is the worse, because by 
over-emphasising it strengthens and cultivates the lower among the 
mixed motives by which men are ruled. 
The fourth of the governing motives of imperial expansion is the need 
of finding new homes for the surplus population of the colonising 
people. This was not in any country a very powerful motive until the 
nineteenth century, for over-population did not exist in any serious 
degree in any of the European states until that age. Many of the 
political writers in seventeenth-century England, indeed, regarded the 
whole movement of colonisation with alarm, because it seemed to be 
drawing off men who could not be spared. But if the population was 
nowhere excessive, there were in all countries certain    
    
		
	
	
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