handed on, has made the 
Reign of Law, and the modes of a single civilisation, the common 
possession of the whole world. Rome made the common life of Europe 
possible. The imperial expansion of the European nations has alone 
made possible the vision--nay, the certainty--of a future world-order. 
For these reasons we may rightly and without hesitation continue to
employ these terms, provided that we remember always that the 
justification of any dominion imposed by a more advanced upon a 
backward or disorganised people is to be found, not in the extension of 
mere brute power, but in the enlargement and diffusion, under the 
shelter of power, of those vital elements in the life of Western 
civilisation which have been the secrets of its strength, and the greatest 
of its gifts to the world: the sovereignty of a just and rational system of 
law, liberty of person, of thought, and of speech, and, finally, where the 
conditions are favourable, the practice of self-government and the 
growth of that sentiment of common interest which we call the national 
spirit. These are the features of Western civilisation which have 
justified its conquest of the world [Footnote: See the first essay in 
Nationalism and Internationalism, in which an attempt is made to work 
out this idea]; and it must be for its success or failure in attaining these 
ends that we shall commend or condemn the imperial work of each of 
the nations which have shared in this vast achievement. 
Four main motives can be perceived at work in all the imperial 
activities of the European peoples during the last four centuries. The 
first, and perhaps the most potent, has been the spirit of national pride, 
seeking to express itself in the establishment of its dominion over less 
highly organised peoples. In the exultation which follows the 
achievement of national unity each of the nation-states in turn, if the 
circumstances were at all favourable, has been tempted to impose its 
power upon its neighbours,[Footnote: Nationalism and Imperialism, pp. 
60, 64, 104.] or even to seek the mastery of the world. From these 
attempts have sprung the greatest of the European wars. From them 
also have arisen all the colonial empires of the European states. It is no 
mere coincidence that all the great colonising powers have been unified 
nation-states, and that their imperial activities have been most vigorous 
when the national sentiment was at its strongest among them. Spain, 
Portugal, England, France, Holland, Russia: these are the great imperial 
powers, and they are also the great nation-states. Denmark and Sweden 
have played a more modest part, in extra-European as in European 
affairs. Germany and Italy only began to conceive imperial ambitions 
after their tardy unification in the nineteenth century. Austria, which 
has never been a nation-state, never became a colonising power. 
Nationalism, then, with its eagerness for dominion, may be regarded as
the chief source of imperialism; and if its effects are unhappy when it 
tries to express itself at the expense of peoples in whom the potentiality 
of nationhood exists, they are not necessarily unhappy in other cases. 
When it takes the form of the settlement of unpeopled lands, or the 
organisation and development of primitive barbaric peoples, or the 
reinvigoration and strengthening of old and decadent societies, it may 
prove itself a beneficent force. But it is beneficent only in so far as it 
leads to an enlargement of law and liberty. 
The second of the blended motives of imperial expansion has been the 
desire for commercial profits; and this motive has played so prominent 
a part, especially in our own time, that we are apt to exaggerate its 
force, and to think of it as the sole motive. No doubt it has always been 
present in some degree in all imperial adventures. But until the 
nineteenth century it probably formed the predominant motive only in 
regard to the acquisition of tropical lands. So long as Europe continued 
to be able to produce as much as she needed of the food and the raw 
materials for industry that her soil and climate were capable of yielding, 
the commercial motive for acquiring territories in the temperate zone, 
which could produce only commodities of the same type, was 
comparatively weak; and the European settlements in these areas, 
which we have come to regard as the most important products of the 
imperialist movement, must in their origin and early settlement be 
mainly attributed to other than commercial motives. But Europe has 
always depended for most of her luxuries upon the tropics: gold and 
ivory and gems, spices and sugar and fine woven stuffs, from a very 
early age found their way into Europe from India and the East, coming 
by slow and devious caravan routes to the shores of the Black Sea and 
the Mediterranean. Until    
    
		
	
	
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