which it will not refute but destroy. For the spirit of the 
conditions has been refuted. In and for themselves they are no 
memorable objects, but existences as contemptible as they are despised. 
Criticism has already settled all accounts with this subject. It no longer 
figures as an end in itself, but only as a means. Its essential pathos is 
indignation, its essential work is denunciation. 
What we have to do is to describe a series of social spheres, all 
exercising a somewhat sluggish pressure upon each other, a general 
state of inactive dejection, a limitation which recognizes itself as much 
as it misunderstands itself, squeezed within the framework of a 
governmental system, which, living on the conservation of all 
meannesses, is itself nothing less than meanness in government. 
What a spectacle! On the one hand, the infinitely ramified division of 
society into the most varied races, which confront each other with small 
antipathies, bad consciences, and brutal mediocrity, and precisely 
because of the ambiguous and suspicious positions which they occupy 
towards each other, such positions being devoid of all real distinctions 
although coupled with various formalities, are treated by their lords as
existences on sufferance. And even more. The fact that they are ruled, 
governed, and owned they must acknowledge and confess as a favour 
of heaven! On the other hand, there are those rulers themselves whose 
greatness is in inverse proportion to their number. 
The criticism which addresses itself to this object is criticism in 
hand-to-hand fighting, and in hand-to-hand fighting, it is not a question 
of whether the opponent is a noble opponent, of equal birth, or an 
interesting opponent; it is a question of meeting him. It is thus 
imperative that the Germans should have no opportunity for 
self-deception and resignation. The real pressure must be made more 
oppressive by making men conscious of the pressure, and the disgrace 
more disgraceful by publishing it. 
Every sphere of German society must be described as the partie 
honteuse[2] of German society, these petrified conditions must be made 
to dance by singing to them their own melody! The people must be 
taught to be startled at their own appearance, in order to implant 
courage into them. 
And even for modern nations this struggle against the narrow-minded 
actuality of the German status quo cannot be without interest, for the 
German status quo represents the frank completion of the ancien 
régime, and the ancien régime is the concealed defect of the modern 
State. The struggle against the German political present is the struggle 
against the past of modern nations, which are still vexed by the 
recollections of this past. For them it is instructive to see the ancien 
régime, which enacted its tragedy with them, playing its comedy as the 
German revenant. Its history was tragic so long as it was the 
pre-existing power of the world, and freedom, on the other hand, a 
personal invasion, in a word, so long as it believed and was obliged to 
believe in its justification. So long as the ancien régime as the existing 
world order struggled with a nascent world, historical error was on its 
side, but not personal perversity. Its downfall was therefore tragic. 
On the other hand, the present German régime, which is an 
anachronism, a flagrant contradiction of the generally recognized 
axiom of the obsolescence of the ancien régime, imagines that it
believes in itself, and extorts from the world the same homage. If it 
believed in its own being, would it seek to hide it under the semblance 
of an alien being and look for its salvation in hypocrisy and sophistry? 
The modern ancien régime is merely the comedian of a world order 
whose real heroes are dead. 
History is thorough, and passes through many phases when it bears an 
old figure to the grave. The last phase of a world historical figure is its 
comedy. The gods of Greece, once tragically wounded to death in the 
chained Prometheus of Æschylus, were fated to die a comic death in 
Lucian's dialogues. Why does history take this course? In order that 
mankind may break away in a jolly mood from its past. 
In the light of this historical foresight, the political powers of Germany 
are vindicated. As soon then as the modern politico-social reality is 
itself subjected to criticism, as soon, therefore, as criticism raises itself 
to the height of truly human problems, it either finds itself outside the 
German status quo, or it would delve beneath the latter to find its 
object. 
To take an example! The relation of industry, and of the world of 
wealth generally, to the political world is one of the chief problems of 
modern times. Under what form is this problem beginning to engage 
the attention of Germans? Under the form of protective tariffs, of the    
    
		
	
	
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