form, its 
spiritualistic Point d'honneur, its enthusiasm, its moral sanction, its 
solemn complement, its general basis of consolation and justification. It 
is the fantastic realization of the human being, inasmuch as the human 
being possesses no true reality. The struggle against religion is 
therefore indirectly the struggle against that world whose spiritual 
aroma is religion. 
Religious misery is in one mouth the expression of real misery, and in 
another is a protestation against real misery. Religion is the moan of the 
oppressed creature, the sentiment of a heartless world, as it is the spirit 
of spiritless conditions. It is the opium of the people. 
The abolition of religion, as the illusory happiness of the people, is the 
demand for their real happiness. The demand to abandon the illusions 
about their condition is a demand to abandon a condition which 
requires illusions. The criticism of religion therefore contains 
potentially the criticism of the Vale of Tears whose aureole is religion. 
Criticism has plucked the imaginary flowers which adorned the chain, 
not that man should wear his fetters denuded of fanciful embellishment, 
but that he should throw off the chain, and break the living flower. 
The criticism of religion disillusions man, so that he thinks, acts, shapes 
his reality like the disillusioned man come to his senses, so that he 
revolves around himself, and thus around his real sun. Religion is but 
the illusory sun which revolves around man, so long as he does not 
revolve around himself. 
It is therefore the task of history, once the thither side of truth has 
vanished, to establish the truth of the hither side. 
The immediate task of philosophy, when enlisted in the service of 
history, is to unmask human self-alienation in its unholy shape, now 
that it has been unmasked in its holy shape. Thus the criticism of
heaven transforms itself into the criticism of earth, the criticism of 
religion into the criticism of right, and the criticism of theology into the 
criticism of politics. 
The following essay--a contribution to this work--is in the first place 
joined not to the original, but to a copy, to the German philosophy of 
politics and of right, for no other reason than because it pertains to 
Germany. 
If one should desire to strike a point of contact with the German status 
quo, albeit in the only appropriate way, which is negatively, the result 
would ever remain an anachronism. Even the denial of our political 
present is already a dust-covered fact in the historical lumber room of 
modern nations. If I deny the powdered wig, I still have to deal with 
unpowdered wigs. If I deny the German conditions of 1843, I stand, 
according to French chronology, scarcely in the year 1789, let alone in 
the focus of the present. 
German history flatters itself that it has a movement which no people in 
the historical heaven have either executed before or will execute after it. 
We have in point of fact shared in the restoration epoch of modern 
nations without participating in their revolutions. 
We were restored, in the first place, because other nations dared to 
make a revolution, and, in the second place, because other nations 
suffered a counter revolution: in the first place, because our masters 
were afraid, and, in the second place, because they regained their 
courage. 
Led by our shepherds, we suddenly found ourselves in the society of 
freedom on the day of its interment. 
As a school which legitimates the baseness of to-day by the baseness of 
yesterday, a school which explains every cry of the serf against the 
knout as rebellious, once the knout becomes a prescriptive, a derivative, 
a historical knout, a school to which history only shows itself a 
posteriori, like the God of Israel to his servant Moses, the historical 
juridical school would have invented German history, were it not itself
an invention of German history. 
On the other hand, good-humoured enthusiasts, Teutomaniacs by 
upbringing and freethinkers by reflexion, seek for our history of 
freedom beyond our history in the Teutonic primeval woods. But in 
what respect is our freedom history distinguished from the freedom 
history of the boar, if it is only to be found in the woods? Moreover, as 
one shouts into the wood, so one's voice comes back in answer ("As the 
question, so the answer"). Therefore peace to the Teutonic primeval 
woods. 
But war to German conditions, at all events! They lie below the level of 
history, they are liable to all criticism, but they remain a subject for 
criticism just as the criminal who is below the level of humanity 
remains a subject for the executioner. 
Grappling with them, criticism is no passion of the head, it is the head 
of passion. It is no anatomical knife, it is a weapon. Its object is its 
enemy,    
    
		
	
	
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