Why We are at War | Page 7

because we are
moving through critical times, during which it seems to me to be my
duty to keep in close touch with the Houses of Congress so that neither
counsel nor action shall run at cross-purposes between us.
On the 3d of February I officially informed you of the sudden and
unexpected action of the Imperial German Government in declaring its
intention to disregard the promises it had made to this Government in
April last and undertake immediate submarine operations against all
commerce, whether of belligerents or of. neutrals, that should seek to
approach Great Britain and Ireland, the Atlantic coasts of Europe, or
the harbors of the eastern Mediterranean, and to conduct those
operations without regard to the established restrictions of international
practice, without regard to any considerations of humanity, even, which
might interfere with their object.
AMERICAN COMMERCE SUFFERS, BUT OTHER NEUTRALS
FARE WORSE
That policy was forthwith put into practice. It has now been in active
exhibition for nearly four weeks. Its practical results are not fully
disclosed. The commerce of other neutral nations is suffering severely,
but not, perhaps, very much more severely than it was already suffering
before the 1st of February, when the new policy of the Imperial
Government was put into operation.
We have asked the co-operation of the other neutral Governments to
prevent these depredations, but I fear none of them has thought it wise
to join us in any common course of action. Our own commerce has
suffered, is suffering, rather in apprehension than in fact, rather because
so many of our ships are timidly keeping to their home ports than

because American ships have been sunk.
Two American vessels have been sunk, the Housatonic and the Lyman
M. Law. The case of the Housatonic, which was carrying foodstuffs
consigned to a London firm, was essentially like the case of the Frye, in
which, it will be recalled, the German Government admitted its liability
for damages, and the lives of the crew, as in the case of the Frye, were
safeguarded with reasonable care.
THE RUTHLESS SINKING OF SCHOONER "LYMAN M. LAW"
The case of the Law, which was carrying lemon-box staves to Palermo,
disclosed a ruthlessness of method which deserves grave condemnation,
but was accompanied by no circumstances which might not have been
expected at any time in connection with the use of the submarine
against merchantmen as the German Government has used it.
In sum, therefore, the situation we find ourselves in with regard to the
actual conduct of the German submarine warfare against commerce and
its effects upon our own ships and people is substantially the same that
it was when I addressed you on the 3d of February, except for the tying
up of our shipping in our own ports because of the unwillingness of our
ship-owners to risk their vessels at sea without insurance or adequate
protection, and the very serious congestion of our commerce which has
resulted, a congestion which is growing rapidly more and more serious
every day.
This in itself might presently accomplish, in effect, what the new
German submarine orders were meant to accomplish, so far as we are
concerned. We can only say, therefore, that the overt act which I have
ventured to hope the German commanders would in fact avoid has not
occurred.
SPARED BY CIRCUMSTANCES NOT BY INSTRUCTIONS
But while this is happily true, it must be admitted that there have been
certain additional indications and expressions of purpose on the part of
the German press and the German authorities which have increased
rather than lessened the impression that if our ships and our people are
spared it will be because of fortunate circumstances or because the
commanders of the German submarines which they may happen to
encounter exercise an unexpected discretion and restraint, rather than
because of the instructions under which those commanders are acting.
It would be foolish to deny that the situation is fraught with the gravest

possibilities and dangers. No thoughtful man can fail to see that the
necessity for definite action may come at any time, if we are in fact,
and not in word merely, to defend our elementary rights as a neutral
nation. It would be most imprudent to be unprepared.
I cannot in such circumstances be unmindful of the fact that the
expiration of the term of the present Congress is immediately at hand
by constitutional limitation, and that it would in all likelihood require
an unusual length of time to assemble and organize the Congress which
is to succeed it.
MAY NEED THE AUTHORITY TO ACT ANY MOMENT
I feel that I ought, in view of that fact, to obtain from you full and
immediate assurance of the authority which I may need at any moment
to exercise. No doubt I