party which professes publicly to admire or may be 
justly suspected of secretly abetting this French Revolution, who must 
not be drawn into its vortex, and become the instrument of its designs. 
What I have written is in the manner of apology. I have given it that 
form, as being the most respectful; but I do not stand in need of any 
apology for my principles, my sentiments, or my conduct. I wish the 
paper I lay before your Grace to be considered as my most deliberate, 
solemn, and even testamentary protest against the proceedings and 
doctrines which have hitherto produced so much mischief in the world, 
and which will infallibly produce more, and possibly greater. It is my 
protest against the delusion by which some have been taught to look 
upon this Jacobin contest at home as an ordinary party squabble about 
place or patronage, and to regard this Jacobin war abroad as a common 
war about trade or territorial boundaries, or about a political balance of 
power among rival or jealous states. Above all, it is my protest against 
that mistake or perversion of sentiment by which they who agree with 
us in our principles may on collateral considerations be regarded as 
enemies, and those who, in this perilous crisis of all human affairs, 
differ from us fundamentally and practically, as our best friends. Thus 
persons of great importance may be made to turn the whole of their 
influence to the destruction of their principles. 
I now make it my humble request to your Grace, that you will not give 
any sort of answer to the paper I send, or to this letter, except barely to 
let me know that you have received them. I even wish that at present 
you may not read the paper which I transmit: lock it up in the drawer of 
your library-table; and when a day of compulsory reflection comes, 
then be pleased to turn to it. Then remember that your Grace had a true 
friend, who had, comparatively with men of your description, a very
small interest in opposing the modern system of morality and policy, 
but who, under every discouragement, was faithful to public duty and 
to private friendship. I shall then probably be dead. I am sure I do not 
wish to live to see such things. But whilst I do live, I shall pursue the 
same course, although my merits should be taken for unpardonable 
faults, and as such avenged, not only on myself, but on my posterity. 
Adieu, my dear Lord; and do me the justice to believe me ever, with 
most sincere respect, veneration, and affectionate attachment, 
Your Grace's most faithful friend, 
And most obedient humble servant, 
EDMUND BURKE. 
BEACONSFIELD, Sept. 29, 1793. 
 
OBSERVATIONS. 
Approaching towards the close of a long period of public service, it is 
natural I should be desirous to stand well (I hope I do stand tolerably 
well) with that public which, with whatever fortune, I have endeavored 
faithfully and zealously to serve. 
I am also not a little anxious for some place in the estimation of the two 
persons to whom I address this paper. I have always acted with them, 
and with those whom they represent. To my knowledge, I have not 
deviated, no, not in the minutest point, from their opinions and 
principles. Of late, without any alteration in their sentiments or in mine, 
a difference of a very unusual nature, and which, under the 
circumstances, it is not easy to describe, has arisen between us. 
In my journey with them through life, I met Mr. Fox in my road; and I 
travelled with him very cheerfully, as long as he appeared to me to 
pursue the same direction with those in whose company I set out. In the 
latter stage of our progress a new scheme of liberty and equality was 
produced in the world, which either dazzled his imagination, or was 
suited to some new walks of ambition which were then opened to his 
view. The whole frame and fashion of his politics appear to have 
suffered about that time a very material alteration. It is about three 
years since, in consequence of that extraordinary change, that, after a 
pretty long preceding period of distance, coolness, and want of 
confidence, if not total alienation on his part, a complete public 
separation has been made between that gentleman and me. Until lately
the breach between us appeared reparable. I trusted that time and 
reflection, and a decisive experience of the mischiefs which have 
flowed from the proceedings and the system of France, on which our 
difference had arisen, as well as the known sentiments of the best and 
wisest of our common friends upon that subject, would have brought 
him to a safer way of thinking. Several of his    
    
		
	
	
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