the 
Reformers. The principles which had actuated the long and active 
reigns of Charles V. and Philip the Second, remained a law for their 
successors; and the more the breach in the church widened, the firmer 
became the attachment of the Spaniards to Roman Catholicism. 
The German line of the House of Austria was apparently more 
unfettered; but, in reality, though free from many of these restraints, it 
was yet confined by others. The possession of the imperial throne--a 
dignity it was impossible for a Protestant to hold, (for with what 
consistency could an apostate from the Romish Church wear the crown 
of a Roman emperor?) bound the successors of Ferdinand I. to the See 
of Rome. Ferdinand himself was, from conscientious motives, heartily 
attached to it. Besides, the German princes of the House of Austria 
were not powerful enough to dispense with the support of Spain, which, 
however, they would have forfeited by the least show of leaning 
towards the new doctrines. The imperial dignity, also, required them to
preserve the existing political system of Germany, with which the 
maintenance of their own authority was closely bound up, but which it 
was the aim of the Protestant League to destroy. If to these grounds we 
add the indifference of the Protestants to the Emperor's necessities and 
to the common dangers of the empire, their encroachments on the 
temporalities of the church, and their aggressive violence when they 
became conscious of their own power, we can easily conceive how so 
many concurring motives must have determined the emperors to the 
side of popery, and how their own interests came to be intimately 
interwoven with those of the Roman Church. As its fate seemed to 
depend altogether on the part taken by Austria, the princes of this house 
came to be regarded by all Europe as the pillars of popery. The hatred, 
therefore, which the Protestants bore against the latter, was turned 
exclusively upon Austria; and the cause became gradually confounded 
with its protector. 
But this irreconcileable enemy of the Reformation--the House of 
Austria --by its ambitious projects and the overwhelming force which it 
could bring to their support, endangered, in no small degree, the 
freedom of Europe, and more especially of the German States. This 
circumstance could not fail to rouse the latter from their security, and to 
render them vigilant in self-defence. Their ordinary resources were 
quite insufficient to resist so formidable a power. Extraordinary 
exertions were required from their subjects; and when even these 
proved far from adequate, they had recourse to foreign assistance; and, 
by means of a common league, they endeavoured to oppose a power 
which, singly, they were unable to withstand. 
But the strong political inducements which the German princes had to 
resist the pretensions of the House of Austria, naturally did not extend 
to their subjects. It is only immediate advantages or immediate evils 
that set the people in action, and for these a sound policy cannot wait. 
Ill then would it have fared with these princes, if by good fortune 
another effectual motive had not offered itself, which roused the 
passions of the people, and kindled in them an enthusiasm which might 
be directed against the political danger, as having with it a common 
cause of alarm.
This motive was their avowed hatred of the religion which Austria 
protected, and their enthusiastic attachment to a doctrine which that 
House was endeavouring to extirpate by fire and sword. Their 
attachment was ardent, their hatred invincible. Religious fanaticism 
anticipates even the remotest dangers. Enthusiasm never calculates its 
sacrifices. What the most pressing danger of the state could not gain 
from the citizens, was effected by religious zeal. For the state, or for the 
prince, few would have drawn the sword; but for religion, the merchant, 
the artist, the peasant, all cheerfully flew to arms. For the state, or for 
the prince, even the smallest additional impost would have been 
avoided; but for religion the people readily staked at once life, fortune, 
and all earthly hopes. It trebled the contributions which flowed into the 
exchequer of the princes, and the armies which marched to the field; 
and, in the ardent excitement produced in all minds by the peril to 
which their faith was exposed, the subject felt not the pressure of those 
burdens and privations under which, in cooler moments, he would have 
sunk exhausted. The terrors of the Spanish Inquisition, and the 
massacre of St. Bartholomew's, procured for the Prince of Orange, the 
Admiral Coligny, the British Queen Elizabeth, and the Protestant 
princes of Germany, supplies of men and money from their subjects, to 
a degree which at present is inconceivable. 
But, with all their exertions, they would have effected little against a 
power which was an overmatch for any single adversary, however 
powerful. At this period    
    
		
	
	
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