from the start and learn it well. 
Do not ask questions. Do not talk. Think! You will soon learn that there 
are many unwritten laws attached to this Service." 
I never forgot that. It was my first lesson in Secret Service. 
 
Chapter II. 
The Making of a Secret Agent
The average man or woman has only a hazy idea what European Secret 
Service and Espionage really means and accomplishes. Short stories 
and novels, written in a background of diplomacy and secret agents, 
have given the public vague impressions about the world of spies. But 
this is the first real unvarnished account of the system; the class of men 
and women employed; the means used to obtain the desired results and 
the risks run by those connected with this service. Since the days of 
Moses who employed spies in Canaan, to Napoleon Bonaparte, who 
inaugurated the first thorough system of political espionage, potentates, 
powerful ministers and heads of departments have found it necessary to 
obtain early and correct information other than through the usual 
official channels. To gain this knowledge they have to employ persons 
unknown and unrecognized in official circles. A recognized official 
such as an ambassador or a secretary of legation, envoys 
plenipotentiary and consuls, would not be able to gain the information 
sought, as naturally everybody is on their guard against them. 
Moreover, official etiquette prevents an ambassador or consul from 
acting in such a capacity. 
In this age of rapid developments the need of quick and accurate 
information is even more pressing. Europe to-day is a sort of armed 
camp, composed of a number of nations of fairly equal strength, in 
which the units are more or less afraid of each other. Mutual distrust 
and conflicting interests compel Germany, England, France and Russia 
to spend billions of money each year on armaments. Germany builds 
one battleship; England lays down two; France adds ten battalions to 
her army; Germany adds twenty. So the relative strength keeps on a fair 
level. But with rapid constructions, new inventions of weapons, armor, 
aerial craft, this apparent equality is constantly disturbed. Here also 
enters the personal policy and ambitions and pet schemes of the 
individual heads of nations and their cabinets. Because there is a 
constant fear of being outdistanced, every government in Europe is 
trying its utmost to get ahead of the other. They, hence, keep a stringent 
watch on each other's movements. This is possible only by an efficient 
system of espionage, by trained men and women, willing to run the 
risks attached to this sort of work. 
For risks there are. I have been imprisoned twice, once in the Balkans 
at Belgrade, once in England. I have been attacked five times and bear
the marks of the wounds to this day. Escapes I have had by the dozen. 
All my missions were not successes, more often, failures, and the 
failures are often fatal. For instance: 
Early in the morning of June 11, 1903, the plot which had been 
brewing in Servia ended with the assassination of the king, queen, 
ministers and members of the royal household of Servia. I shall not go 
into the undercurrent political significance of these atrocities as I had 
no active part in them, but I was sent down by my government later to 
ascertain as far as possible the prime movers in the intrigue which 
pointed to Colonel Mashin and a gang of officers of the Sixth Regiment. 
All these regicides received Russian pay, for King Alexander had 
become dangerous to Russia, because of his flirting with Austria. 
Besides, his own idiotic behavior and the flagrant indiscretions of 
Queen Draga had by no means endeared him to his people. 
I stuck my nose into a regular hornets' nest and soon found myself in a 
most dangerous position. I was arrested by the provisional government 
on the order of Lieutenant Colonel Niglitsch on a most flimsy charge of 
traveling with false passports. In those times arrests and executions 
were the order of the day. The old Servian proverb of "Od Roba Ikad Iz 
Groba Nikad" (Out of prison, yes; out of the grave, never) was fully 
acted upon. There were really no incriminating papers of any 
description upon me, but my being seen and associating with persons 
opposed to the provisional government was quite enough to place me 
before a drumhead court-martial. 
I was sitting in the Café Petit Parisien with Lieutenant Nikolevitch 
and Mons Krastov, a merchant of Belgrade, when a file of soldiers in 
charge of an officer pulled us out of our chairs and without any further 
ado marched us to the Citadel. The next morning we were taken 
separately into a small room where three men in the uniform of 
colonels were seated at a small iron table. No questions were asked.    
    
		
	
	
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