language, which furnishes us with satisfactory etymologies 
for such names as Merodach, Nergal, Sin, and the divinities mentioned 
in Berosus and Damascius, as well as those of hundreds of deities 
revealed to us by the tablets and slabs of Babylonia and Assyria. 
The documents. 
Outside the inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria, there is but little 
bearing upon the religion of those countries, the most important 
fragment being the extracts from Berosus and Damascius referred to 
above. Among the Babylonian and Assyrian remains, however, we 
have an extensive and valuable mass of material, dating from the fourth 
or fifth millennium before Christ until the disappearance of the 
Babylonian system of writing about the beginning of the Christian era.
The earlier inscriptions are mostly of the nature of records, and give 
information about the deities and the religion of the people in the 
course of descriptions of the building and rebuilding of temples, the 
making of offerings, the performance of ceremonies, etc. Purely 
religious inscriptions are found near the end of the third millennium 
before Christ, and occur in considerable numbers, either in the original 
Sumerian text, or in translations, or both, until about the third century 
before Christ. Among the more recent inscriptions--those from the 
library of the Assyrian king Aššur-bani-âpli and the later Babylonian 
temple archives,--there are many lists of deities, with numerous 
identifications with each other and with the heavenly bodies, and 
explanations of their natures. It is needless to say that all this material is 
of enormous value for the study of the religion of the Babylonians and 
Assyrians, and enables us to reconstruct at first hand their mythological 
system, and note the changes which took place in the course of their 
long national existence. Many interesting and entertaining legends 
illustrate and supplement the information given by the bilingual lists of 
gods, the bilingual incantations and hymns, and the references 
contained in the historical and other documents. A trilingual list of gods 
enables us also to recognise, in some cases, the dialectic forms of their 
names. 
The importance of the subject. 
Of equal antiquity with the religion of Egypt, that of Babylonia and 
Assyria possesses some marked differences as to its development. 
Beginning among the non-Semitic Sumero-Akkadian population, it 
maintained for a long time its uninterrupted development, affected 
mainly by influences from within, namely, the homogeneous local cults 
which acted and reacted upon each other. The religious systems of 
other nations did not greatly affect the development of the early 
non-Semitic religious system of Babylonia. A time at last came, 
however, when the influence of the Semitic inhabitants of Babylonia 
and Assyria was not to be gainsaid, and from that moment, the 
development of their religion took another turn. In all probably this 
augmentation of Semitic religious influence was due to the increased 
numbers of the Semitic population, and at the same period the Sumero-
Akkadian language began to give way to the Semitic idiom which they 
spoke. When at last the Semitic Babylonian language came to be used 
for official documents, we find that, although the non-Semitic divine 
names are in the main preserved, a certain number of them have been 
displaced by the Semitic equivalent names, such as Šamaš for the 
sun-god, with Kittu and Mêšaru ("justice and righteousness") his 
attendants; Nabú ("the teacher" = Nebo) with his consort Tašmêtu ("the 
hearer"); Addu, Adad, or Dadu, and Rammanu, Ramimu, or Ragimu = 
Hadad or Rimmon ("the thunderer"); Bêl and Bêltu (Beltis = "the lord" 
and "the lady" /par excellence/), with some others of inferior rank. In 
place of the chief divinity of each state at the head of each separate 
pantheon, the tendency was to make Merodach, the god of the capital 
city Babylon, the head of the pantheon, and he seems to have been 
universally accepted in Babylonia, like Aššur in Assyria, about 2000 
B.C. or earlier. 
The uniting of two pantheons. 
We thus find two pantheons, the Sumero-Akkadian with its many gods, 
and the Semitic Babylonian with its comparatively few, united, and 
forming one apparently homogeneous whole. But the creed had taken a 
fresh tendency. It was no longer a series of small, and to a certain 
extent antagonistic, pantheons composed of the chief god, his consort, 
attendants, children, and servants, but a pantheon of considerable extent, 
containing all the elements of the primitive but smaller pantheons, with 
a number of great gods who had raised Merodach to be their king. 
In Assyria. 
Whilst accepting the religion of Babylonia, Assyria nevertheless kept 
herself distinct from her southern neighbour by a very simple device, 
by placing at the head of the pantheon the god Aššur, who became for 
her the chief of the gods, and at the same time the emblem of her 
distinct national aspirations--for Assyria had no intention whatever of 
casting in her lot with    
    
		
	
	
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