unfinished section of the work. 
In regard to the extract from Adam of Bremen, which we print, it 
should be observed that its only importance lies in the fact that it 
corroborates the Icelandic tradition of a land called Vinland, where 
there were grapes and "unsown grain," and thus serves to strengthen 
faith in the trustworthiness of the saga narrative. The annals and papal 
letters that follow need no further discussion, we think, than that 
contained in the annotations. 
Besides the texts in Icelandic, already described, by Rafn, Reeves, 
Vigfusson and Powell, and Storm, it may be mentioned that the Flat 
Island text is given in Vol. I. of Flateyjar-bok, ed. Vigfusson and Unger, 
Christiania, 1860. There are translations of both texts in Beamish, 
Discovery of North America by the Northmen (London, 1841), in 
Slafter, Voyages of the Northmen (Boston, 1877), and in De Costa, 
Pre-Columbian Discovery of America by the Northmen (Albany, 1901). 
But most of these are confused in arrangement, and the best is that by 
the late Mr. Reeves, which by the kind consent of his representatives 
we are permitted to use in this volume.
JULIUS E. OLSON. 
FOOTNOTES: 
[4-1] Eiriks Saga Raudha (Copenhagen, 1891), p. xv. 
[5-1] A translation, with the title "The Story of Thorfinn Carlsemne," 
based on AM. 557, may be found in Origines Islandicae, II. 610. 
[5-2] Origines Islandicae, II. 590. 
[6-1] Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs Historie (Copenhagen, 
1901), II. 648. 
[6-2] The Discovery of America, p. 212. 
[6-3] Prolegomena, Sturlunga Saga, p. lxix. 
[7-1] Snorri, the Icelandic historian, says that "it was more than 240 
years from the settlement of Iceland (about 870) before sagas began to 
be written" and that "Ari (1067-1148) was the first man who wrote in 
the vernacular stories of things old and new." 
[7-2] "Among the mediaeval literatures of Europe, that of Iceland is 
unrivalled in the profusion of detail with which the facts of ordinary 
life are recorded, and the clearness with which the individual character 
of numberless real persons stands out from the historic background.... 
The Icelanders of the Saga-age were not a secluded self-centred race; 
they were untiring in their desire to learn all that could be known of the 
lands round about them, and it is to their zeal for this knowledge, their 
sound historical sense, and their trained memories, that we owe much 
information regarding the British Isles themselves from the ninth to the 
thirteenth century. The contact of the Scandinavian peoples with the 
English race on the one hand, and the Gaelic on the other, has been an 
important factor in the subsequent history of Britain; and this is 
naturally a subject on which the Icelandic evidence is of the highest 
value." Prefatory Note to Origines Islandicae.
[8-1] Studies on the Vinland Voyages (Copenhagen, 1889) and Eiriks 
Saga Raudha (Copenhagen, 1891). 
[8-2] Of the same opinion are Professor Hugo Gering of Kiel, 
Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, XXIV. (1892), and Professor Finnur 
Jonsson of Copenhagen, Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs 
Historie, II. 646. 
[8-3] The Kristni-Saga, which tells of the conversion of Iceland, says: 
"That summer [1000] King Olaf [of Norway] went out of the country to 
Wendland in the south, and he sent Leif Eric's son to Greenland to 
preach the faith there. It was then that Leif discovered Vinland the 
Good. He also discovered a crew on the wreck of a ship out in the deep 
sea, and so he got the name of Leif the Lucky." For passages from other 
sagas that corroborate Leif's discovery on his voyage from Norway to 
Greenland (i.e., in the year that Olaf Tryggvason fell, namely, 1000), 
see Reeves, The Finding of Wineland the Good (London, 1895), pp. 
7-18. 
[10-1] See, in support of Storm, Juul Dieserud's paper, "Norse 
Discoveries in America," Bulletin of the American Geographical 
Society, Feb., 1901. 
[10-2] Discovery of America, p. 182. 
[11-1] See Origines Islandicae, I. 294. 
[11-2] See notes 6 and 8 to Papal Letters, p. 71 of this volume. 
[12-1] See note 1, p. 43. 
[12-2] In other respects the editors speak highly of the saga as found in 
Hauk's Book and AM. 557: "This saga has never been so well known 
as the other, though it is probably of even higher value. Unlike the 
other, it has the form and style of one of the 'Islendinga Sogor' [the 
Icelandic sagas proper]; its phrasing is broken, its dialogue is excellent, 
it contains situations of great pathos, such as the beautiful incident at 
the end of Bearne's self-sacrifice, and scenes of high interest, such as
that of the Sibyl's prophesying in Greenland...." II. 591. 
[12-3] Icelandic Prose Reader (where AM. 557 is printed), notes, p. 
377. 
 
THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 
ALSO CALLED THE SAGA OF THORFINN KARLSEFNI[14-1] 
The Saga of Eric the Red, also called the Saga    
    
		
	
	
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