daughter of Jacques Boucher, 
steward to the Duke of Orléans, depones in the following terms: "At 
night I slept alone with Jeanne. Neither in her words or her acts did I 
ever observe anything wrong. She was perfectly simple, humble, and 
chaste."[50] 
[Footnote 50: Trial, vol. iii, p. 34.] 
This young lady was nine years old when she perceived with a 
discernment somewhat precocious that her sleeping companion was 
simple, humble, and chaste. 
That is unimportant. But to show how one may sometimes be deceived 
by the witnesses whom one would expect to be the most reliable, I will 
quote Brother Pasquerel.[51] Brother Pasquerel is Jeanne's chaplain. He 
may be expected to speak as one who has seen and as one who knows. 
Brother Pasquerel places the examination at Poitiers before the 
audience granted by the King to the Maid in the château of Chinon.[52] 
[Footnote 51: Ibid., p. 100.] 
[Footnote 52: We must notice, however, that Brother Pasquerel, who 
was not present either at Chinon or at Poitiers, is careful to say that he 
knows nothing of Jeanne's sojourn in these two towns save what she 
herself has told him. Now we are surprised to find that she herself 
placed the examination at Poitiers before the audience at Chinon, since 
she says in her trial that at Chinon, when she gave her King a sign, the 
clerks ceased to contend with her.--Trial, vol. i, p. 145.] 
Forgetting that the whole relieving army had been in Orléans since 
May 4, he supposes that, on the evening of Friday the 6th, it was still 
expected.[53] From such blunders we may judge of the muddled 
condition of this poor priest's brain. His most serious shortcoming,
however, is the invention of miracles. He tries to make out that when 
the convoy of victuals reached Orléans, there occurred, by the Maid's 
special intervention, and in order to carry the barges up the river, a 
sudden flood of the Loire which no one but himself saw.[54] 
[Footnote 53: Expectando succursum regis, Trial, vol. iii, p. 109.] 
[Footnote 54: Trial, vol. iii, p. 105.] 
The evidence of Dunois[55] is also somewhat deceptive. We know that 
Dunois was one of the most intelligent and prudent men of his day, and 
that he was considered a good speaker. In the defence of Orléans and in 
the coronation campaign he had displayed considerable ability. Either 
his evidence must have seriously suffered at the hands of the translator 
and the scribes, or he must have caused it to be given by his chaplain. 
He speaks of the "great number of the enemy" in terms more 
appropriate to a canon of a cathedral or a woollen draper than to a 
captain entrusted with the defence of a city and expected to know the 
actual force of the besiegers. All his evidence dealing with the transport 
of victuals on April 28 is well-nigh unintelligible. And Dunois is 
unable to state that Troyes was the first stage in the army's march from 
Gien.[56] Relating a conversation he held with the Maid after the 
coronation, he makes her speak as if her brothers were awaiting her at 
Domremy, whereas they were with her in France.[57] Curiously 
blundering, he attempts to prove that Jeanne had visions by relating a 
story much more calculated to give the impression that the young 
peasant girl was an apt feigner and that at the request of the nobles she 
reproduced one of her ecstasies, like the Esther of the lamented Doctor 
Luys.[58] 
[Footnote 55: Ibid., pp. 2 et seq.] 
[Footnote 56: Trial, vol. iii, p. 13.] 
[Footnote 57: Ibid., p. 15.] 
[Footnote 58: Ibid., p. 12.]
In that portion of this work which deals with the rehabilitation trial I 
have given my opinion of the evidence of the clerks of the court, of the 
usher Massieu, of the Brothers Isambard de la Pierre and Martin 
Ladvenu.[59] All these burners of witches and avengers of God worked 
as heartily at Jeanne's rehabilitation as they had at her condemnation. 
[Footnote 59: Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 15, 161, 329; vol. iii, pp. 41 and 
passim.] 
In many cases and often on events of importance, the evidence of 
witnesses is in direct conflict with the truth. A woollen draper of 
Orléans, one Jean Luillier, comes before the commissioners and as bold 
as brass maintains that the garrison could not hold out against so great a 
besieging force.[60] Now this statement is proved to be false by the 
most authentic documents, which show that the English round Orléans 
were very weak and that their resources were greatly reduced.[61] 
[Footnote 60: Ibid., vol. iii, p. 23.] 
[Footnote 61: L. Jarry, Le compte de l'armée anglaise au siège 
d'Orléans (1428-1429), Orléans, 1892, in 8vo.] 
When the evidence given at the second trial has obviously been dressed 
up to    
    
		
	
	
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