After enduring many years the loss of his rank and his 
country, from the injustice of the Duke of York, he, at the age of 
seventy, assumed again his long-neglected sword and cuirass, and came 
over with the Prince of Orange, who was so fond of him that he carried 
him in his own ship. The influence of Lord Stair in party was increased 
by that of his son Sir John Dalrymple, a man distinguished above all by 
the beauty of his person, and the power of his eloquence. To the 
wisdom and experience of the father, to the parts and show of the son, 
rather than to the power of the Duke of Hamilton, William, certain that 
the two former could never hope to be pardoned by James, resolved to 
leave the management of Scotland in the end; but, in the meantime, to 
make advantage of the Duke's offers of service for the settlement of 
that country. 
Of all those nobles whom James, when Duke of York, had honoured
with his friendship, and when King, graced with his favours, a few only 
continued openly in his interest. Of these the chief were the Duke of 
Gordon, a Roman Catholic, to whom James had entrusted the castle of 
Edinburgh, a man weak, and wavering in courage, but bound by shame 
and religion; Lord Balcarres attached by affection, gratitude, and that 
delicacy of sentiment which the love of letters commonly inspires; and 
Lord Dundee, who had for ever before his eyes ideas of glory, the duty 
of a soldier, and the example of the great Montrose, from whose family 
he was descended. James had entrusted the care of his civil concerns in 
Scotland to Balcarres, and of his military ones to Dundee. William 
asked both to enter into his service. Dundee refused without ceremony. 
Balcarres confessed the trust which had been put in him, and asked the 
King, if, after that, he could enter into the service of another? William 
generously answered, "I cannot say that you can." But added, "Take 
care that you fall not within the law; for otherwise I shall be forced 
against my will to let the law overtake you." The other nobles of the 
late King's party waited for events, in hopes and in fears from the old 
government and the new, intriguing with both, and depended upon by 
neither. 
 
THE CONVENTION OF ESTATES (1689). 
+Source.+--Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland, from the Dissolution 
of the Last Parliament of Charles II. until the Sea-Battle off La Hogue, 
vol. i., p. 218, by Sir John Dalrymple, Bart. (London and Edinburgh: 
1771.) 
The convention met on the 14th of March. As the governing part of the 
boroughs had been modelled by King James, the members sent up from 
thence should have been favourable to his interests. But Lord Stair, 
whose views were extensive, had taken care, in the paper which 
contained the offer of administration to the Prince, to recommend that 
the borough-elections should be made by a general poll of the 
burgesses; an artifice which, while it took the blame of innovation off 
the Prince, prepared the way for securing the elections to the whigs and 
presbyterians. The parties at the convention first tried their strengths in
the choice of a president. The Duke of Hamilton was set up by the new, 
the Marquis of Athole by the old court: a singular situation, where both 
candidates were distrusted, both by those who recommended, and by 
those who elected them. The former was preferred by 40 votes out of 
about 150 voters: a victory which, from the nature of the human mind, 
determined the wavering. A committee of elections was next named, 
consisting of nine whigs and three tories. Sir John Dalrymple, who was 
an able lawyer, found it easy to start objections to the returns of the 
opposite party, and to remove those which were made against his own. 
The committee in the house followed his opinions, because the 
necessity of the times was made the excuse of partiality.... 
When the convention sat down, two letters were presented, one from 
the present, and another from the late King of England. The convention 
read both; but first passed an act, that nothing contained in the last of 
them should dissolve their assembly, or stop their proceeding to the 
settlement of the nation. James's letter was written in the terms of a 
conqueror and a priest; threatening the convention with punishment in 
this world, and damnation in the next. And, as it was counter-signed by 
Lord Melfort, a papist, and a minister abhorred by the presbyterians, 
the style and the signature hurt equally the interest which the letter was 
intended to serve. No answer was given. William's letter, on the 
contrary, was answered in strains of gratitude and respect; a    
    
		
	
	
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