that blind obedience which, ever 
since the days of the Gothic dynasty, had been the peculiar 
characteristic of the Spaniard. The slightest approximation, in a 
Spanish prince, to the obnoxious tenets of Luther and Calvin, would 
have alienated for ever the affections of his subjects, and a defection 
from the Pope would have cost him the kingdom. A Spanish prince had 
no alternative but orthodoxy or abdication. The same restraint was 
imposed upon Austria by her Italian dominions, which she was obliged 
to treat, if possible, with even greater indulgence; impatient as they 
naturally were of a foreign yoke, and possessing also ready means of 
shaking it off. In regard to the latter provinces, moreover, the rival 
pretensions of France, and the neighbourhood of the Pope, were 
motives sufficient to prevent the Emperor from declaring in favour of a 
party which strove to annihilate the papal see, and also to induce him to 
show the most active zeal in behalf of the old religion. These general 
considerations, which must have been equally weighty with every
Spanish monarch, were, in the particular case of Charles V., still further 
enforced by peculiar and personal motives. In Italy this monarch had a 
formidable rival in the King of France, under whose protection that 
country might throw itself the instant that Charles should incur the 
slightest suspicion of heresy. Distrust on the part of the Roman 
Catholics, and a rupture with the church, would have been fatal also to 
many of his most cherished designs. Moreover, when Charles was first 
called upon to make his election between the two parties, the new 
doctrine had not yet attained to a full and commanding influence, and 
there still subsisted a prospect of its reconciliation with the old. In his 
son and successor, Philip the Second, a monastic education combined 
with a gloomy and despotic disposition to generate an unmitigated 
hostility to all innovations in religion; a feeling which the thought that 
his most formidable political opponents were also the enemies of his 
faith was not calculated to weaken. As his European possessions, 
scattered as they were over so many countries, were on all sides 
exposed to the seductions of foreign opinions, the progress of the 
Reformation in other quarters could not well be a matter of indifference 
to him. His immediate interests, therefore, urged him to attach himself 
devotedly to the old church, in order to close up the sources of the 
heretical contagion. Thus, circumstances naturally placed this prince at 
the head of the league which the Roman Catholics formed against the 
Reformers. The principles which had actuated the long and active 
reigns of Charles V. and Philip the Second, remained a law for their 
successors; and the more the breach in the church widened, the firmer 
became the attachment of the Spaniards to Roman Catholicism. 
The German line of the House of Austria was apparently more 
unfettered; but, in reality, though free from many of these restraints, it 
was yet confined by others. The possession of the imperial throne -- a 
dignity it was impossible for a Protestant to hold, (for with what 
consistency could an apostate from the Romish Church wear the crown 
of a Roman emperor?) bound the successors of Ferdinand I. to the See 
of Rome. Ferdinand himself was, from conscientious motives, heartily 
attached to it. Besides, the German princes of the House of Austria 
were not powerful enough to dispense with the support of Spain, which, 
however, they would have forfeited by the least show of leaning 
towards the new doctrines. The imperial dignity, also, required them to
preserve the existing political system of Germany, with which the 
maintenance of their own authority was closely bound up, but which it 
was the aim of the Protestant League to destroy. If to these grounds we 
add the indifference of the Protestants to the Emperor's necessities and 
to the common dangers of the empire, their encroachments on the 
temporalities of the church, and their aggressive violence when they 
became conscious of their own power, we can easily conceive how so 
many concurring motives must have determined the emperors to the 
side of popery, and how their own interests came to be intimately 
interwoven with those of the Roman Church. As its fate seemed to 
depend altogether on the part taken by Austria, the princes of this house 
came to be regarded by all Europe as the pillars of popery. The hatred, 
therefore, which the Protestants bore against the latter, was turned 
exclusively upon Austria; and the cause became gradually confounded 
with its protector. 
But this irreconcileable enemy of the Reformation -- the House of 
Austria -- by its ambitious projects and the overwhelming force which 
it could bring to their support, endangered, in no small degree, the 
freedom of Europe, and more especially of    
    
		
	
	
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