In all the consultations which were held before Mr. 
Brougham's motion in 1824, he bore an active and useful part. In 
pushing the advantages gained by the debate he was unwearied and 
successful. Unhappily it pleased Providence that he should not receive 
here below the final reward of his long and valued labours; for he was 
called to his final repose some months before the Emancipation Bill 
passed into a law.
There remains little to add, except that this measure, which was carried 
with little opposition in 1833, owed its success in Parliament to the 
ample bribe of twenty millions, by which the acquiescence of the West 
Indians was purchased. The measure had hardly come into operation, 
when all men perceived that the intermediate state of apprenticeship 
was anything rather than a preparation for freedom, and anything rather 
than a mitigation of slavery. It is due to some able and distinguished 
friends of the negro race to state, that they all along were averse to this 
plan of a transition state. Lord Howick, then in the Colonial Office as 
Under-Secretary, went so far as to leave the department, from his 
dislike of this part of the measure. Mr. Buxton and others protested 
against it. Even its friends intimated that they wished the period of 
apprenticeship to end in 1838 instead of 1840; but there was a general 
belief of the preparatory step being necessary,--a belief apparently 
founded on experience of the negro character, and indeed of the vicious 
tendency of all slavery, to extinguish the power of voluntary labour, as 
well as to make the sudden change to freedom unsafe for the peace of 
the community. The fact soon dispersed these opinions. Antigua in a 
minute emancipated all her slaves to the number of thirty thousand and 
upwards. Not a complaint was ever heard of idleness or indolence; and, 
far from any breach of the peace being induced by the sudden change in 
the condition of the people, the Christmas of 1833 was the first, for the 
last twenty years, that martial law was not proclaimed, in order to 
preserve the public peace. Similar evidence from Jamaica and other 
islands, proving the industrious and peaceable habits of the apprentices, 
showed that there was nothing peculiar in the circumstances of 
Antigua. 
An important occurrence is now to be recorded as having exercised a 
powerful influence upon the question of immediate emancipation. 
Joseph Sturge, of Birmingham, a member of the Society of Friends, 
stricken with a sense of the injustice perpetrated against the African 
race, repaired to the West Indies, in order that he might examine, with 
his own eyes, the real state of the question between the two classes. He 
was accompanied by John Scoble and Thomas Harvey; and these able, 
excellent, and zealous men returned in a few months with such ample 
evidence of the effects produced by apprenticeship, and the fitness of
the negroes for liberty, that the attention of the community was soon 
awakened to the subject, even more strenuously than it ever before had 
been; and the walls of Parliament were soon made once more to ring 
with the sufferings of the slave, only emancipated in name, and the 
injustice of withholding from him any longer the freedom which was 
his indefeasible right, as soon as he was shown capable of enjoying it 
beneficially for himself and safely for the rest of the community. 
In these transactions, both in Jamaica, where he is one of the largest 
planters, and in Parliament, where he is one of the most respected 
members, the Marquess of Sligo bore an eminent and an honourable 
part. His praise has been justly sounded by all who have supported the 
cause of negro freedom, and his conduct was by all admitted to be as 
much marked by the disinterested virtue of a good citizen and amiable 
man, as it was by the sagacity and ability of an enlightened statesman. 
Both as governor of Jamaica, as the owner of slaves whom he 
voluntarily liberated, and as a peer of Parliament, his patriotism, his 
humanity, and his talents, shone conspicuously through this severe and 
glorious struggle. While such was the conduct of those eminent 
philanthropists, some difference of opinion prevailed among the other 
and older leaders of the cause, chiefly grounded upon doubts whether 
the arrangement made by Parliament in 1833, might not be regarded as 
a compact with the planters which it would be unjust to violate by 
terminating their right to the labour of the apprentices at a period earlier 
than the one fixed in the Emancipation Act. A little consideration of the 
question at issue soon dispelled those doubts, and removed every 
obstacle to united exertion, by restoring entire unanimity of opinion. 
The slaves, it was triumphantly affirmed, were no party to the compact. 
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