the days of Harold to those of Edward I. The English language went 
underground, and became the patois of peasants; the thin trickle of 
Anglo-Saxon literature dried up, for there was no demand for Anglo- 
Saxon among an upper class which wrote Latin and spoke French.
Foreigners ruled and owned the land, and "native" became synonymous 
with "serf." 
Their common lot, however, gave birth to a common feeling. The 
Norman was more alien to the Mercian than had been Northumbrian or 
West-Saxon, and rival tribes at last discovered a bond of unity in the 
impartial rigour of their masters. The Norman, coming from outside 
and exempt from local prejudice, applied the same methods of 
government and exploitation to all parts of England, just as Englishmen 
bring the same ideas to bear upon all parts of India; and in both cases 
the steady pressure of a superimposed civilization tended to obliterate 
local and class divisions. Unwittingly Norman and Angevin despotism 
made an English nation out of Anglo-Saxon tribes, as English 
despotism has made a nation out of Irish septs, and will make another 
out of the hundred races and religions of our Indian empire. The more 
efficient a despotism, the sooner it makes itself impossible, and the 
greater the problems it stores up for the future, unless it can divest itself 
of its despotic attributes and make common cause with the nation it has 
created. 
The provision of this even-handed tyranny was the great contribution of 
the Normans to the making of England. They had no written law of 
their own, but to secure themselves they had to enforce order upon their 
schismatic subjects; and they were able to enforce it because, as 
military experts, they had no equals in that age. They could not have 
stood against a nation in arms; but the increasing cost of equipment and 
the growth of poor and landless classes among the Anglo-Saxons had 
transferred the military business of the nation into the hands of large 
landowning specialists; and the Anglo-Saxon warrior was no match for 
his Norman rival, either individually or collectively. His burh was 
inferior to the Norman castle, his shield and battle-axe to the weapons 
of the mailed and mounted knight; and he had none of the coherence 
that was forced upon the conquerors by the iron hand of William and 
by their situation amid a hostile people. 
The problem for William and his companions was how to organize this 
military superiority as a means of orderly government, and this
problem wore a twofold aspect. William had to control his barons, and 
his barons had to control their vassals. Their methods have been 
summed up in the phrase, the "feudal system," which William is still 
popularly supposed to have introduced into England. On the other hand, 
it has been humourously suggested that the feudal system was really 
introduced into England by Sir Henry Spelman, a seventeenth-century 
scholar. Others have maintained that, so far from feudalism being 
introduced from Normandy into England, it would be truer to say that 
feudalism was introduced from England into Normandy, and thence 
spread throughout France. These speculations serve, at any rate, to 
show that feudalism was a very vague and elusive system, consisting of 
generalizations from a vast number of conflicting data. Spelman was 
the first to attempt to reduce these data to a system, and his successors 
tended to forget more and more the exceptions to his rules. It is now 
clear that much that we call feudal existed in England before the 
Norman Conquest; that much of it was not developed until after the 
Norman period; and that at no time did feudalism exist as a completely 
rounded and logical system outside historical and legal text-books. 
The political and social arrangements summed up in the phrase related 
primarily to the land and the conditions of service upon which it was 
held. Commerce and manufactures, and the organization of towns 
which grew out of them, were always exceptions to the feudal system; 
the monarchy saved itself, its sheriffs, and the shires to some extent 
from feudal influence; and soon it set to work to redeem the 
administration of justice from its clutches. In all parts of the country, 
moreover, there was land, the tenure of which was never feudalized. 
Generally, however, the theory was applied that all land was held 
directly or indirectly from the king, who was the sole owner of it, that 
there was no land without a lord, and that from every acre of land some 
sort of service was due to some one or other. A great deal of it was held 
by military service; the tenant-in-chief of this land, who might be either 
a layman or an ecclesiastic, had to render this military service to the 
king, while the sub-tenants had to render    
    
		
	
	
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