The Framework of Home Rule 
 
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Title: The Framework of Home Rule 
Author: Erskine Childers 
Release Date: February 17, 2005 [EBook #15086] 
Language: English 
Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 
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THE FRAMEWORK OF HOME RULE 
BY 
ERSKINE CHILDERS 
AUTHOR OF 
"THE RIDDLE OF THE SANDS," "WAR AND THE ARME 
BLANCHE," "GERMAN INFLUENCE ON BRITISH CAVALRY"; 
EDITOR OF VOL. V. OF THE TIMES "HISTORY OF THE WAR IN 
SOUTH AFRICA," ETC. 
LONDON 
EDWARD ARNOLD
1911 
 
CONTENTS 
 
CHAPTER PAGES 
INTRODUCTION vii-xvi 
I. THE COLONIZATION OF IRELAND AND AMERICA 1-20 
II. REVOLUTION IN AMERICA AND IN IRELAND 21-41 
III. GRATTAN'S PARLIAMENT 42-59 
IV. THE UNION 60-71 
V. CANADA AND IRELAND 72-104 
VI. AUSTRALIA AND IRELAND 105-119 
VII. SOUTH AFRICA AND IRELAND 120-143 
VIII. THE ANALOGY 144-149 
IX. IRELAND TO-DAY 150-187 
X. THE FRAMEWORK OF HOME RULE 188-229 
I. The Elements of the Problem 188-197 
II. Federal or Colonial Home Rule 198-203 
III. The Exclusion or Retention of Irish Members at Westminster 
203-213 
IV. Irish Powers and their Bearing on Exclusion 213-229 
XI. UNION FINANCE 230-257
I. Before the Union 230-231 
II. From the Union to the Financial Relations Commission of 
1894-1896 232-239 
III. The Financial Relations Commission of 1894-1896 239-257 
XII. THE PRESENT FINANCIAL SITUATION 258-279 
I. Anglo-Irish Finance To-day 258-264 
II. Irish Expenditure 264-274 
III. Irish Revenue 274-279 
XIII. FINANCIAL INDEPENDENCE 280-306 
I. The Essence of Home Rule 280-281 
II. The Deficit 281-286 
III. Further Contribution to Imperial Services 286 
IV. Ireland's Share of the National Debt 286 
V. Ireland's Share of Imperial Miscellaneous Revenue 287 
VI. Irish Control of Customs and Excise 287-294 
VII. Federal Finance 294-300 
VIII. Alternative Schemes of Home Rule Finance 300-306 
XIV. LAND PURCHASE FINANCE 307-321 
I. Land Purchase Loans 307-319 
II. Minor Loans to Ireland 319-321 
XV. THE IRISH CONSTITUTION 322-338
CONCLUSION 339-341 
APPENDIX 342-347 
INDEX 348-354 
 
INTRODUCTION 
My purpose in this volume is to advocate a definite scheme of 
self-government for Ireland. That task necessarily involves an historical 
as well as a constructive argument. It would be truer, perhaps, to say 
that the greater part of the constructive case for Home Rule must 
necessarily be historical. To postulate a vague acceptance of the 
principle of Home Rule, and to proceed at once to the details of the 
Irish Constitution, would be a waste of time and labour. It is impossible 
even to attempt to plan the framework of a Home Rule Bill without a 
tolerably close knowledge not only of Anglo-Irish relations, but of the 
Imperial history of which they form a part. The Act will succeed 
exactly in so far as it gives effect to the lessons of experience. It will 
fail at every point where those lessons are neglected. Constitutions 
which do not faithfully reflect the experience of the sovereign power 
which accords them, and of the peoples which have to live under them, 
are at the best perilous experiments liable to defeat the end of their 
framers. 
I shall enter into history only so far as it is relevant to the constitutional 
problem, using the comparative method, and confining myself almost 
exclusively to the British Empire past and present. For the purposes of 
the Irish controversy it is unnecessary to travel farther. In one degree or 
another every one of the vexed questions which make up the Irish 
problem has arisen again and again within the circle of the 
English-speaking races. As a nation we have a body of experience 
applicable to the case of Ireland incomparably greater than that 
possessed by any other race in the world. If, from timidity, prejudice, or 
sheer neglect, we fail to use it, we shall earn the heavy censure reserved 
for those who sin against the light. 
For the comparative sketch I shall attempt, materials in the shape of 
facts established beyond all controversy are abundant. Colonial history,
thanks to colonial freedom, is almost wholly free from the distorting 
influence of political passion. South African history alone will need 
revision in the light of recent events. When, under the alchemy of free 
national institutions, Ireland has undergone the same transformation as 
South Africa, her unhappy history will be chronicled afresh with a 
juster sense of perspective and a juster apportionment of responsibility 
for the calamities which have befallen her. And yet, if we consider the 
field for partisan bias which Irish history presents, the amount of 
ground    
    
		
	
	
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