The Economic Consequences of 
the Peace, by 
 
John Maynard Keynes 
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Title: The Economic Consequences of the Peace 
Author: John Maynard Keynes 
Release Date: May 6, 2005 [eBook #15776] 
Language: English 
Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 
***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE 
ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE PEACE*** 
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THE ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE PEACE 
by 
JOHN MAYNARD KEYNES, C.B. Fellow of King's College, 
Cambridge 
New York Harcourt, Brace and Howe 
1920 
 
PREFACE 
The writer of this book was temporarily attached to the British 
Treasury during the war and was their official representative at the 
Paris Peace Conference up to June 7, 1919; he also sat as deputy for the 
Chancellor of the Exchequer on the Supreme Economic Council. He
resigned from these positions when it became evident that hope could 
no longer be entertained of substantial modification in the draft Terms 
of Peace. The grounds of his objection to the Treaty, or rather to the 
whole policy of the Conference towards the economic problems of 
Europe, will appear in the following chapters. They are entirely of a 
public character, and are based on facts known to the whole world. 
J.M. Keynes. King's College, Cambridge, November, 1919. 
 
CONTENTS 
I. INTRODUCTORY II. EUROPE BEFORE THE WAR III. THE 
CONFERENCE IV. THE TREATY V. REPARATION VI. EUROPE 
AFTER THE TREATY VII. REMEDIES 
 
THE ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE PEACE 
 
CHAPTER I 
INTRODUCTORY 
The power to become habituated to his surroundings is a marked 
characteristic of mankind. Very few of us realize with conviction the 
intensely unusual, unstable, complicated, unreliable, temporary nature 
of the economic organization by which Western Europe has lived for 
the last half century. We assume some of the most peculiar and 
temporary of our late advantages as natural, permanent, and to be 
depended on, and we lay our plans accordingly. On this sandy and false 
foundation we scheme for social improvement and dress our political 
platforms, pursue our animosities and particular ambitions, and feel 
ourselves with enough margin in hand to foster, not assuage, civil 
conflict in the European family. Moved by insane delusion and reckless 
self-regard, the German people overturned the foundations on which 
we all lived and built. But the spokesmen of the French and British 
peoples have run the risk of completing the ruin, which Germany began, 
by a Peace which, if it is carried into effect, must impair yet further, 
when it might have restored, the delicate, complicated organization, 
already shaken and broken by war, through which alone the European
peoples can employ themselves and live. 
In England the outward aspect of life does not yet teach us to feel or 
realize in the least that an age is over. We are busy picking up the 
threads of our life where we dropped them, with this difference only, 
that many of us seem a good deal richer than we were before. Where 
we spent millions before the war, we have now learnt that we can spend 
hundreds of millions and apparently not suffer for it. Evidently we did 
not exploit to the utmost the possibilities of our economic life. We look, 
therefore, not only to a return to the comforts of 1914, but to an 
immense broadening and intensification of them. All classes alike thus 
build their plans, the rich to spend more and save less, the poor to 
spend more and work less. 
But perhaps it is only in England (and America) that it is possible to be 
so unconscious. In continental Europe the earth heaves and no one but 
is aware of the rumblings. There it is not just a matter of extravagance 
or "labor troubles"; but of life and death, of starvation and existence, 
and of the fearful convulsions of a dying civilization. 
* * * * * 
For one who spent in Paris the greater part of the six months which 
succeeded the Armistice an occasional visit to London was a strange 
experience. England still stands outside Europe. Europe's voiceless 
tremors do not reach her. Europe is apart and England is not of her 
flesh and body. But Europe is solid with herself. France, Germany, 
Italy, Austria and Holland, Russia and Roumania and Poland, throb 
together, and their structure and civilization are essentially one. They 
flourished together, they have rocked together in a war, which we, in 
spite of our enormous contributions and sacrifices (like though in a less 
degree than America), economically stood outside, and they may fall 
together. In    
    
		
	
	
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