neck of the unfortunate proprietor.' That 
this was from no invincible necessity, the uniform prosperity of 
numerous estates shows. But these estates are all conducted 
economically, while, on the other hand, reckless extravagance was the 
rule in the palmy days of the olden time, and has remained, even in 
humbler circumstances, an inborn trait of the Creole gentleman. 
If this was so during the continuance of the slave trade, what could 
have been looked for when this means of obtaining labor was suddenly 
cut off? Sewell states the estimated supply of negroes from Africa 
necessary to make up the annual waste at ten thousand. When this 
ceased it was obvious that only such a complete revolution in the 
system of labor as should save the horrible waste of life could preserve 
the plantations from ruin and the island from depopulation. But though 
the waste of life was diminished, it still went on. Estate after estate had 
to be given up for want of hands, at the same time that a constant 
decrease in the price of sugar in London, amounting to fifty per cent 
between 1815 and 1835, made it less and less profitable to work the 
remaining ones, and thus the planters were going steadily to ruin and 
the negro population steadily to extinction, for almost a generation 
before emancipation. In a memorial of the planters to Parliament in 
1831, three years before abolition, they declare that without 
Parliamentary aid they are doomed to hopeless ruin. Already, they say, 
hundreds of respectable persons had been reduced almost to beggary by 
the precarious condition of the planting interest. In this memorial they 
make no allusion to the anti-slavery agitations, which produced no 
serious effect in the colony till 1832. Indeed the West Indian interest 
had been a notorious mendicant of old, and as in time a large part of 
West Indian estates had come to be owned by the British aristocracy, 
this begging was not apt to be in vain. Could Creole thriftlessness have 
been abolished and the slave trade retained, the ruin of the estates might 
have been averted. But as human power was not adequate to the first, 
nor Christian conscience capable of the second, no course was left but 
to let planting prosperity go its own way to destruction, and endeavor at 
least to save the population of the island from extermination. This
emancipation effected, and this was its work. If it hastened the ruin of 
an interest which not even Parliamentary subsidies and high protective 
duties could prop up without the horrors of the middle passage, its 
trespass was certainly a very venial one compared with its work of 
salvation. Undoubtedly the great transition from slavery to freedom 
might have been better managed had the planters, recognizing it as 
inevitable, concurred heartily in efforts to smoothe the passage. The 
emancipationists in Parliament had at first no thought of immediate or 
even of speedy abolition. They did not suppose it wise or humane. 
Their first efforts merely contemplated such ameliorations of the 
condition of the slaves as common decency and humanity would 
prompt. They brought the Imperial Government to propose to the 
slaveholding colonies the enactment of laws abolishing the flogging of 
females, mitigating punishments, allowing the slaves to testify in court 
in cases to which whites were parties, providing for their religious 
instruction, appointing guardians of their scanty rights, giving them one 
week day for themselves, and restricting arbitrary sales of slaves. Not 
one of the colonies would agree to a single one of these measures. That 
peculiar obstinacy which slaveholding dominion seems to engender, 
made them, as with us, bent on having all or nothing. All hopes of 
instituting a gradual preparation for freedom being thus defeated by the 
stubborn refusal of the slaveholders to concur, speedy emancipation 
became a necessity. But even yet the abolitionists had not learned that 
if slaves are to be set free from their masters, the more quickly they are 
put out of their hands the better. A muzzled wolf, appointed to keep 
sheep he would much rather eat, would make about as amiable a 
custodian as masters allowed to exercise a limited authority over 
bondmen whom they have hitherto always had at their own will, and 
know they are about to lose altogether. I think it is generally agreed that 
the few years of apprenticeship were more plague than profit to all 
parties, and made the alienation between proprietors and laborers still 
more complete. At the same time, as the hours of labor were limited to 
eight, and Saturday was secured to the apprentices for themselves, the 
negroes fell into a way of thinking that they could only work those 
eight hours anyhow, and must have an idle time on the Saturday; and 
this notion continued to foster indolence for    
    
		
	
	
	Continue reading on your phone by scaning this QR Code
 
	 	
	
	
	    Tip: The current page has been bookmarked automatically. If you wish to continue reading later, just open the 
Dertz Homepage, and click on the 'continue reading' link at the bottom of the page.
	    
	    
