in the presence of a strong Emperor or an unscrupulous faction 
even these elaborate provisions Papacy might be useless. The Papacy 
needed a champion in the flesh, who should have nothing to gain and 
everything to lose by attempting to become its master. Such a protector 
was ready to hand in the Normans, who, recently settled in Southern 
Italy, felt themselves insecure in the title by which they held their 
possessions. Southern Italy was divided between the three Lombard 
duchies of Benevento, Capua and Salerno, and the districts of Calabria 
and Apulia, which acknowledged the Viceroy or Katapan of the Eastern 
Emperor in his seat at Bari. The Saracens, only recently expelled from 
the mainland, still held Sicily. Norman pilgrims returning from 
Palestine became, at the instigation of local factions, Norman 
adventurers, and their leaders obtaining lands from the local Princes in 
return for help, sought confirmation of their title from some legitimate 
authority. The Western Empire had never claimed these lands, but none 
the less Conrad II and Henry III, in return for the acceptance of their 
suzerainty, acknowledged the titles which the Norman leaders had 
already gained from Greek or Lombard. Rome was likely to be their 
next victim, and Leo IX took the opportunity of a dispute over the city 
of Benevento to try conclusions with them. A humiliating defeat was 
followed by a mock submission of the conqueror. The danger was in no 
sense removed. Pope Stephen's schemes for driving them out of Italy 
were cut short by his death, and meanwhile the Norman power 
increased. Thus there could be no question of expulsion, nor could the 
Papacy risk a repetition of the humiliation of Leo IX. It was Hildebrand 
who conceived the idea of turning a dangerous neighbour into a friend 
and protector. A meeting was arranged at Melfi between Pope Nicholas 
and the Norman princes, and there, while on the one side canons were 
issued against clerical marriage, which was rife in the south of Italy, on 
the other side Robert Guiscard, the Norman leader, recognised the Pope 
as his suzerain, and obtained in return the title of Duke of Apulia and 
Calabria and of Sicily when he should have conquered it. Pope Leo's 
agreement, six years before, had been made by a defeated and 
humiliated ecclesiastic with a band of unscrupulous adventurers. Pope 
Nicholas was dealing with an actual ruler who merely sought legitimate 
recognition of his title from any whose hostility would make his hold 
precarious. Thus resting on the shadowy basis of the donation of
Constantine the Pope substituted himself for the Emperor, whether of 
West or of East, over the whole of Southern Italy. Truly the movement 
for the emancipation of the Church from the State was already shaping 
itself into an attempt at the formation of a rival power. 
[Sidenote: Alexander II (1061-73) and Milan.] 
The value of this new alliance to the Papacy was put to the test almost 
immediately. On the death of Pope Nicholas (1061) the papal and 
imperial parties proceeded to measure their strength against each other. 
The reformers, acting under the leadership of Hildebrand, chose as his 
successor a noble Milanese, Anselm of Baggio, Bishop of Lucca, who 
now became Alexander II. He was elected in accordance with the 
provisions of the recent Lateran decree, and no imperial ratification was 
asked. On the purely ecclesiastical side this choice was a strong 
manifesto against clerical marriage. The city of Milan as the capital of 
the Lombard kingdom of Italy had for many centuries held itself in 
rivalry with Rome. Moreover, it was the stronghold of an aristocratic 
and a married clergy, which based its practice on a supposed privilege 
granted by its Apostle St. Ambrose. But this produced a reforming 
democracy which, perhaps from the quarter whence it gained its chief 
support, was contemptuously named by its opponents the Patarins or 
Rag-pickers. The first leader of this democratic party had been Anselm 
of Baggio. Nicholas II sent thither the fanatical Peter Damiani as papal 
legate, and a fierce struggle ended in the abject submission of the 
Archbishop of Milan, who attended a synod at Rome and promised 
obedience to the Pope. 
[Sidenote: German opposition.] 
The weak point in the decree of Nicholas II had been that the German 
clergy were not represented at the Council which issued it, and it was 
construed in Germany as a manifest attempt of the reforming party to 
secure the Papacy for Italy as against the German influence maintained 
by Henry III. The Roman nobles also had seen in the decree the design 
of excluding them from any share in the election. It was only by the 
introduction of Norman troops into Rome that the new Pope could be 
installed at the Lateran. A few weeks later a synod met at    
    
		
	
	
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