no matter how socially desirable. There is a world of 
difference between Salvian and, say, the nineteenth-century opponent 
of slavery Henri Wallon, who in his celebrated Histoire de l'esclavage 
dans l'antiquité (1847), wrote in a climate when slavery had come to 
be regarded in Christian ethics, in a mode of thought totally alien to 
classical antiquity, as a sin. 
The forms of servitude known in the classical world varied across time 
and place. They included debt-bondage, helotage, temple slavery and 
serfdom, but also chattel slavery, an absolute form of unfreedom in 
which enslaved persons were assimilated to commodities, akin to 
livestock, over whom, or which, owners enjoyed complete mastery. 
Chattel slavery was not found in all times and places in antiquity, but it 
was especially evident in Italy during the central era of Roman history 
and it is with Roman chattel slavery that I am concerned here. I want to 
consider the nature of the master-slave relationship and the basic 
character of Roman chattel slavery, and to suggest from a cultural point 
of view why slavery at Rome, as I understand it, never could present 
itself as problematical. For the sake of convenience and because it is 
relatively well-attested, I concentrate particularly on Roman domestic 
slavery. My account is necessarily generalised, impressionistic, even
superficial and schematic, and at every stage allowance must be made 
for the ambiguous and the exceptional. 
I take as a starting-point the observation from the Roman Antiquities of 
the Greek author Dionysius of Halicarnassus (1.9.4; cf. 4.23.7), that 
when Romans manumitted their slaves they conferred on them not only 
freedom but citizenship as well. To Dionysius and the Greeks for 
whom in the age of Augustus he was writing this was an unusual and 
generous practice. And it has seemed unusual and generous to moderns 
as well, so much so that scholars have often concluded that Roman 
slavery was a mild institution, milder by implication at least than the 
race-based slavery systems of the New World. As an example let me 
quote a passage from another celebrated book, Jérôme Carcopino's 
Daily Life in Ancient Rome, which was first published in the United 
States in 1940, a year after the French original, and which I select 
because it has always enjoyed enormous influence and is currently 
enjoying a new lease of life in re-edited versions. Carcopino is 
speaking of the age of the Antonines: 
Everyone learned to speak and think in Latin, even the slaves, who in 
the second century raised their standard of living to the level of the 
'ingenui'. Legislation had grown more and more humane and had 
progressively lightened their chains and favoured their emancipation. 
The practical good sense of the Romans, no less than the fundamental 
humanity instinctive in their peasant hearts, had always kept them from 
showing cruelty towards the 'servi'. They had always treated their 
slaves with consideration, as Cato had treated his plough oxen; 
however far back we go in history we find the Romans spurring their 
slaves to effort by offering them pay and bonuses which accumulated to 
form a nest egg that as a rule served ultimately to buy their freedom. 
With few exceptions, slavery in Rome was neither eternal nor, while it 
lasted, intolerable; but never had it been lighter or easier to escape from 
than under the Antonines. 
More recently and more compellingly, the preeminent historian Susan 
Treggiari has shown how a relatively benign picture of Roman slavery 
like that of Carcopino might emerge. Exploiting two types of evidence,
commemorative epitaphs and the writings of Roman jurists, Treggiari 
has investigated in a remarkable series of studies the personal lives of 
slaves and former slaves who worked as domestic servants in the 
resplendent households of the Roman elite under the early Principate, 
and she has proved that much can be learned about the world these 
people created for themselves. What emerges, first, is the vast range of 
highly specialised work-roles that helped slaves to establish individual 
identities for themselves, and, secondly, the formation of familial 
relationships, sometimes of long duration, that restored to slaves 
something of the human dignity of which slavery deprived them. The 
value found in their work as domestic servants becomes clear, and the 
manner in which despite their legal incapacity slaves constructed and 
memorialised familial ties is repeatedly made plain. Special attention is 
paid, moreover, to the roles played by women and what might be 
termed the female contribution to the infrastructure of Roman society is 
brought to the fore as evidence is compiled of the spinners and weavers 
(quasillariae, textrices), the clothes-makers and menders (uestificae, 
sarcinatrices), the dressers (ornatrices), nurses and midwives (nutrices, 
opstetrices) who populated the domestic establishments of the Roman 
elite. With the perceived development under the Principate of a more 
humane attitude to slaves--a view that goes back beyond Carcopino to    
    
		
	
	
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