proved the vitality and strength of the national constitution, and the 
greatness of the American people. They say nothing for or against the 
democratic theory of our demagogues, but every thing in favor of the 
American system or constitution of government, which has found a 
firmer support in American instincts than in American statesmanship. 
In spite of all that had been done by theorists, radicals, and 
revolutionists, no-government men, non-resistants, humanitarians, and 
sickly sentimentalists to corrupt the American people in mind, heart, 
and body, the native vigor of their national constitution has enabled 
them to come forth triumphant from the trial. Every American patriot 
has reason to be proud of his country-men, and every American lover 
of freedom to be satisfied with the institutions of his country. But there 
is danger that the politicians and demagogues will ascribe the merit, not 
to the real and living national constitution, but to their miserable 
theories of that constitution, and labor to aggravate the several evils and 
corrupt tendencies which caused the rebellion it has cost so much to 
suppress. What is now wanted is, that the people, whose instincts are 
right, should understand the American constitution as it is, and so 
understand it as to render it impossible for political theorists, no matter 
of what school or party, to deceive them again as to its real import, or 
induce them to depart from it in their political action. 
A work written with temper, without passion or sectional prejudice, in
a philosophical spirit, explaining to the American people their own 
national constitution, and the mutual relations of the General 
government and the State governments, cannot, at this important crisis 
in our affairs, be inopportune, and, if properly executed, can hardly fail 
to be of real service. Such a work is now attempted--would it were by 
another and abler hand-- which, imperfect as it is, may at least offer 
some useful suggestions, give a right direction to political thought, 
although it should fail to satisfy the mind of the reader. 
This much the author may say, in favor of his own work, that it sets 
forth no theory of government in general, or of the United States in 
particular. The author is not a monarchist, an aristocrat, a democrat, a 
feudalist, nor an advocate of what are called mixed governments like 
the English, at least for his own country; but is simply an American, 
devoted to the real, living, and energizing constitution of the American 
republic as it is, not as some may fancy it might be, or are striving to 
make it. It is, in his judgment, what it ought to be, and he has no other 
ambition than to present it as it is to the understanding and love of his 
countrymen. 
Perhaps simple artistic unity and propriety would require the author to 
commence his essay directly with the United States; but while the 
constitution of the United States is original and peculiar, the 
government of the United States has necessarily something in common 
with all legitimate governments, and he has thought it best to precede 
his discussion of the American republic, its constitution, tendencies, 
and destiny, by some considerations on government in general. He does 
this because he believes, whether rightly or not, that while the 
American people have received from Providence a most truly profound 
and admirable system of government, they are more or less infected 
with the false theories of government which have been broached during 
the last two centuries. In attempting to realize these theories, they have 
already provoked or rendered practicable a rebellion which has 
seriously threatened the national existence, and come very near putting 
an end to the American order of civilization itself. These theories have 
received already a shock in the minds of all serious and thinking men; 
but the men who think are in every nation a small minority, and it is
necessary to give these theories a public refutation, and bring back 
those who do not think, as well as those who do, from the world of 
dreams to the world of reality. It is hoped, therefore, that any apparent 
want of artistic unity or symmetry in the essay will be pardoned for the 
sake of the end the author has had in view. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
GOVERNMENT. 
Man is a dependent being, and neither does nor can suffice for himself. 
He lives not in himself, but lives and moves and has his being in God. 
He exists, develops, and fulfils his existence only by communion with 
God, through which he participates of the divine being and life. He 
communes with God through the divine creative act and the Incarnation 
of the Word, through his kind, and through the material world. 
Communion with God through Creation and Incarnation is religion, 
distinctively taken, which binds man    
    
		
	
	
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