Iowa. In September, the first permanent Grange in 
Minnesota, the North Star Grange, was established at St. Paul with the 
assistance of Colonel D. A. Robertson. This gentleman and his 
associates interested themselves in spreading the order. They revised 
the Grange circulars to appeal to the farmer's pocketbook, emphasizing 
the fact that the order offered a means of protection against 
corporations and opportunities for cooperative buying and selling. This 
practical appeal was more effective than the previous idealistic 
propaganda: two additional Granges were established before the end of 
the year; a state Grange was constituted early in the next year; and by 
the end of 1869 there were in Minnesota thirty-seven active Granges. In 
the spring of 1869 Kelley went East and, after visiting the thriving 
Grange in Fredonia, he made his report at Washington to the members 
of the National Grange, who listened perfunctorily, passed a few laws, 
and relapsed into indifference after this first regular annual session. 
But however indifferent the members of the National Grange might be 
as to the fate of the organization they had so irresponsibly fathered, 
Kelley was zealous and untiring in its behalf. That the founders did not 
deny their parenthood was enough for him; he returned to his home 
with high hopes for the future. With the aid of his niece he carried on 
an indefatigible correspondence which soon brought tangible returns. In 
October, 1870, Kelley moved his headquarters to Washington. By the 
end of the year the Order had penetrated nine States of the Union, and 
correspondence looking to its establishment in seven more States was 
well under way. Though Granges had been planted as far east as 
Vermont and New Jersey and as far south as Mississippi and South 
Carolina, the life of the order as yet centered in Minnesota, Iowa, 
Wisconsin, Illinois, and Indiana. These were the only States in which,
in its four years of activity the Grange had really taken root; in other 
States only sporadic local Granges sprang up. The method of 
organization, however, had been found and tested. When a few active 
subordinate Granges had been established in a State, they convened as 
a temporary state Grange, the master of which appointed deputies to 
organize other subordinate Granges throughout the State. The initiation 
fees, generally three dollars for men and fifty cents for women, paid the 
expenses of organization--fifteen dollars to the deputy, and not 
infrequently a small sum to the state Grange. What was left went into 
the treasury of the local Grange. Thus by the end of 1871 the ways and 
means of spreading the Grange had been devised. All that was now 
needed was some impelling motive which should urge the farmers to 
enter and support the organization. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
THE RISING SPIRIT OF UNREST 
The decade of the seventies witnessed the subsidence, if not the 
solution, of a problem which had vexed American history for half a 
century--the reconciliation of two incompatible social and economic 
systems, the North and the South. It witnessed at the same time the rise 
of another great problem, even yet unsolved--the preservation of 
equality of opportunity, of democracy, economic as well as political, in 
the face of the rising power and influence of great accumulations and 
combinations of wealth. Almost before the battle smoke of the Civil 
War had rolled away, dissatisfaction with prevailing conditions both 
political and economic began to show itself. 
The close of the war naturally found the Republican or Union party in 
control throughout the North. Branded with the opprobrium of having 
opposed the conduct of the war, the Democratic party remained 
impotent for a number of years; and Ulysses S. Grant, the nation's 
greatest military hero, was easily elected to the presidency on the 
Republican ticket in 1868. In the latter part of Grant's first term, 
however, hostility began to manifest itself among the Republicans 
themselves toward the politicians in control at Washington. Several 
causes tended to alienate from the President and his advisers the 
sympathies of many of the less partisan and less prejudiced
Republicans throughout the North. Charges of corruption and 
maladministration were rife and had much foundation in truth. Even if 
Grant himself was not consciously dishonest in his application of the 
spoils system and in his willingness to receive reward in return for 
political favors, he certainly can be justly charged with the disposition 
to trust too blindly in his friends and to choose men for public office 
rather because of his personal preferences than because of their 
qualifications for positions of trust. 
Grant's enemies declared, moreover, with considerable truth that the 
man was a military autocrat, unfit for the highest civil position in a 
democracy. His high-handed policy in respect to Reconstruction in the 
South evoked opposition from those 
Northern Republicans whose critical sense was not entirely    
    
		
	
	
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