society I was fond of, 
but all of whom were attached to the new government. At five o'clock I 
had received ten notes of apology; the first and second I bore tolerably 
well, but as they succeeded each other rapidly, I began to be alarmed. 
In vain did I appeal to my conscience, which advised me to renounce 
all the pleasures attached to the favour of Bonaparte: I was blamed by 
so many honorable people, that I knew not how to support myself on 
my own way of thinking. Bonaparte had as yet done nothing exactly 
culpable; many asserted that he preserved France from anarchy: in
short, if at that moment he had signified to me any wish of 
reconciliation, I should have been delighted: but a step of that sort he 
will never take without exacting a degradation, and, to induce that 
degradation, he generally enters into such passions of authority, as 
terrify into yielding every thing. I do not wish by that to say that 
Bonaparte is not really passionate: what is not calculation in him is 
hatred, and hatred generally expresses itself in rage: but calculation is 
in him so much the strongest, that he never goes beyond what it is 
convenient for him to show, according to circumstances and persons. 
One day a friend of mine saw him storming at a commissary of war, 
who had not done his duty; scarcely had the poor man retired, 
trembling with apprehension, when Bonaparte turned round to one of 
his aides-du-camp, and said to him, laughing, I hope I have given him a 
fine fright; and yet the moment before, you would have believed that he 
was no longer master of himself. 
When it suited the first consul to exhibit his ill-humour against me, he 
publicly reproached his brother Joseph for continuing to visit me. 
Joseph felt it necessary in consequence to absent himself from my 
house for several weeks, and his example was followed by three fourths 
of my acquaintance. Those who had been proscribed on the 18th 
Fructidor, pretended that at that period, I had been guilty of 
recommending M. de Talleyrand to Barras, for the ministry of foreign 
affairs: and yet, these people were then continually about that same 
Talleyrand, whom they accused me of having served. All those who 
behaved ill to me, were cautious in concealing that they did so for fear 
of incurring the displeasure of the first consul. Every day, however, 
they invented some new pretext to injure me, thus exerting all the 
energy of their political opinions against a defenceless and persecuted 
woman, and prostrating themselves at the feet of the vilest Jacobins, the 
moment the first consul had regenerated them by the baptism of his 
favor. 
Fouche, the minister of police, sent for me to say, that the first consul 
suspected me of having excited my friend who had spoken in the 
tribunate. I replied to him, which was certainly the truth, that M. 
Constant was a man of too superior an understanding to make his
opinions matter of reproach to a woman, and that besides, the speech in 
question contained absolutely nothing but reflections on the 
independence which every deliberative assembly ought to possess, and 
that there was not a word in it which could be construed into a personal 
reflection on the first consul. The minister admitted as much. I ventured 
to add some words on the respect due to the liberty of opinions in a 
legislative body; but I could easily perceive that he took no interest in 
these general considerations; he already knew perfectly well, that under 
the authority of the man whom he wished to serve, principles were out 
of the question, and he shaped his conduct accordingly. But as he is a 
man of transcendant understanding in matters of revolution, he had 
already laid it down as a system to do the least evil possible, the 
necessity of the object admitted. His preceding conduct certainly 
exhibited little feeling of morality, and he was frequently in the habit of 
talking of virtue as an old woman's story. A remarkable sagacity, 
however, always led him to choose the good as a reasonable thing, and 
his intelligence made him occasionally do what conscience would have 
dictated to others. He advised me to go into the country, and assured 
me, that in a few days, all would be quieted. But at my return, I was 
very far from finding it so. 
 
 
CHAPTER 3 
System of Fusion adopted by Bonaparte--Publication of my work on 
Literature. 
While we have seen the Christian kings take two confessors to examine 
their consciences more narrowly, Bonaparte chose two ministers one of 
the old and the other of the new regime, whose business it was to place 
at his disposal the Machiavelian means of    
    
		
	
	
	Continue reading on your phone by scaning this QR Code
 
	 	
	
	
	    Tip: The current page has been bookmarked automatically. If you wish to continue reading later, just open the 
Dertz Homepage, and click on the 'continue reading' link at the bottom of the page.
	    
	    
