coming to an end in our time, and we 
cannot be surprised if some disturbance ensues. There are no longer 
masses which believe; a great number of the people decline to 
recognise the supernatural, and the day is not far distant, when beliefs 
of this kind will die out altogether in the masses, just as the belief in 
familiar spirits and ghosts have disappeared. Even if, as is probable, we 
are to have a temporary Catholic reaction, the people will not revert to 
the Church. Religion has become for once and all a matter of personal 
taste. Now beliefs are only dangerous when they represent something 
like unanimity, or an unquestionable majority. When they are merely 
individual, there is not a word to be said against them, and it is our duty 
to treat them with the respect which they do not always exhibit for their 
adversaries, when they feel that they have force at their back. 
There can be no denying that it will take time for the liberty, which is
the aim and object of human society, to take root in France as it has in 
America. French democracy has several essential principles to acquire, 
before it can become a liberal _régime_. It will be above all things 
necessary that we should have laws as to associations, charitable 
foundations, and the right of legacy, analogous to those which are in 
force in England and America. Supposing this progress to be effected 
(if it is Utopian to count upon it in France, it is not so for the rest of 
Europe, in which the aspirations for English liberty become every day 
more intense), we should really not have much cause to look regretfully 
upon the favours conferred by the ancient _régime_ upon things of the 
mind. I quite think that if democratic ideas were to secure a definitive 
triumph, science and scientific teaching would soon find the modest 
subsidies now accorded them cut off. This is an eventuality which 
would have to be accepted as philosophically as may be. The free 
foundations would take the place of the state institutes, the slight 
drawbacks being more than compensated for by the advantage of 
having no longer to make to the supposed prejudices of the majority 
concessions which the state exacted in return for its pittance. The waste 
of power in state institutes is enormous. It may safely be said that not 
50 per cent of a credit voted in favour of science, art, or literature, is 
expended to any effect. Private foundations would not be exposed to 
nearly so much waste. It is true that spurious science would, in these 
conditions, flourish side by side with real science, enjoying the same 
privileges, and that there would be no official criterion, as there still is 
to a certain extent now, to distinguish the one from the other. But this 
criterion becomes every day less reliable. Reason has to submit to the 
indignity of taking second place behind those who have a loud voice, 
and who speak with a tone of command. The plaudits and favour of the 
public will, for a long time to come, be at the service of what is false. 
But the true has great power, when it is free; the true endures; the false 
is ever changing and decays. Thus it is that the true, though only 
understood by a select few, always rises to the surface, and in the end 
prevails. 
In short, it is very possible that the American-like social condition 
towards which we are advancing, independently of any particular form 
of government, will not be more intolerable for persons of intelligence
than the better guaranteed social conditions which we have already 
been subject to. In such a world as this will be, it will be no difficult 
matter to create very quiet and snug retreats for oneself. "The era of 
mediocrity in all things is about to begin," remarked a short time ago 
that distinguished thinker, M. Arniel of Geneva. "Equality begets 
uniformity, and it is by the sacrifice of the excellent, the remarkable, 
the extraordinary that we extirpate what is bad. The whole becomes 
less coarse; but the whole becomes more vulgar." We may at least hope 
that vulgarity will not yet a while persecute freedom of mind. Descartes, 
living in the brilliant seventeenth century, was nowhere so well off as 
at Amsterdam, because, as "every one was engaged in trade there," no 
one paid any heed to him. It may be that general vulgarity will one day 
be the condition of happiness, for the worst American vulgarity would 
not send Giordano Bruno to the stake or persecute Galileo. We have no 
right to be very fastidious. In the past we were never more than 
tolerated. This tolerance, if nothing more, we are assured of    
    
		
	
	
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