New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 5, August, 1915 | Page 3

the present war. Also this appeal
finds ready echo in Germany, and the Imperial Government is quite
willing to permit its statements and decisions in the present case to be
governed by the principles of humanity just as it has done always.
The Imperial Government welcomed with gratitude when the American
Government, in the note of May 15, itself recalled that Germany had
always permitted itself to be governed by the principles of progress and
humanity in dealing with the law of maritime war.
Since the time when Frederick the Great negotiated with John Adams,
Benjamin Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson the Treaty of Friendship and
Commerce of September 9, 1785, between Prussia and the Republic of
the West, German and American statesmen have, in fact, always stood
together in the struggle for the freedom of the seas and for the
protection of peaceable trade.
In the international proceedings which since have been conducted for
the regulation of the laws of maritime war, Germany and America have
jointly advocated progressive principles, especially the abolishment of
the right of capture at sea and the protection of the interests of neutrals.
Even at the beginning of the present war the German Government
immediately declared its willingness, in response to proposals of the
American Government, to ratify the Declaration of London and thereby
subject itself in the use of its naval forces to all the restrictions
provided therein in favor of neutrals.

Germany likewise has been always tenacious of the principle that war
should be conducted against the armed and organized forces of an
enemy country, but that the enemy civilian population must be spared
as far as possible from the measures of war. The Imperial Government
cherishes the definite hope that some way will be found when peace is
concluded, or perhaps earlier, to regulate the law of maritime war in a
manner guaranteeing the freedom of the seas, and will welcome it with
gratitude and satisfaction if it can work hand in hand with the American
Government on that occasion.
If in the present war the principles which should be the ideal of the
future have been traversed more and more, the longer its duration, the
German Government has no guilt therein. It is known to the American
Government how Germany's adversaries, by completely paralyzing
peaceful traffic between Germany and neutral countries, have aimed
from the very beginning and with increasing lack of consideration at
the destruction not so much of the armed forces as the life of the
German nation, repudiating in doing so all the rules of international law
and disregarding all rights of neutrals.
On November 3, 1914, England declared the North Sea a war area, and
by planting poorly anchored mines and by the stoppage and capture of
vessels, made passage extremely dangerous and difficult for neutral
shipping, thereby actually blockading neutral coasts and ports contrary
to all international law. Long before the beginning of submarine war
England practically completely intercepted legitimate neutral
navigation to Germany also. Thus Germany was driven to a submarine
war on trade.
On November 14, 1914, the English Premier declared in the House of
Commons that it was one of England's principal tasks to prevent food
for the German population from reaching Germany via neutral ports.
Since March 1 England has been taking from neutral ships without
further formality all merchandise proceeding to Germany, as well as all
merchandise coming from Germany, even when neutral property. Just
as it was also with the Boers, the German people is now to be given the
choice of perishing from starvation with its women and children or of

relinquishing its independence.
While our enemies thus loudly and openly proclaimed war without
mercy until our utter destruction, we were conducting a war in
self-defense for our national existence and for the sake of peace of an
assured permanency. We have been obliged to adopt a submarine
warfare to meet the declared intentions of our enemies and the method
of warfare adopted by them in contravention of international law.
With all its efforts in principle to protect neutral life and property from
damage as much as possible, the German Government recognized
unreservedly in its memorandum of February 4 that the interests of
neutrals might suffer from the submarine warfare. However, the
American Government will also understand and appreciate that in the
fight for existence, which has been forced upon Germany by its
adversaries and announced by them, it is the sacred duty of the Imperial
Government to do all within its power to protect and save the lives of
German subjects. If the Imperial Government were derelict in these, its
duties, it would be guilty before God and history of the violation of
those principles of highest humanity which are the foundation of every
national existence.
The case of the