loyalty--Their faith in the future. 
CHAPTER XXVI 
BURNSIDE IN EAST TENNESSEE 
Organizing and arming the loyalists--Burnside concentrates near 
Greeneville--His general plan--Rumors of Confederate 
reinforcements--Lack of accurate information--The Ninth Corps in 
Kentucky--Its depletion by malarial disease--Death of General Welsh 
from this cause--Preparing for further work--Situation on 16th 
September--Dispatch from Halleck--Its apparent purpose--Necessity to 
dispose of the enemy near Virginia border--Burnside personally at the 
front--His great activity--Ignorance of Rosecrans's peril--Impossibility 
of joining him by the 20th--Ruinous effects of abandoning East 
Tennessee--Efforts to aid Rosecrans without such 
abandonment--Enemy duped into burning Watauga bridge 
themselves--Ninth Corps arriving--Willcox's division garrisons 
Cumberland Gap--Reinforcements sent Rosecrans from all 
quarters--Chattanooga made safe from attack--The supply 
question--Meigs's description of the roads--Burnside halted near 
Loudon--Halleck's misconception of the geography--The people 
imploring the President not to remove the troops--How Longstreet got 
away from Virginia--Burnside's alternate plans--Minor operations in 
upper Holston valley--Wolford's affair on the lower Holston. 
APPENDIX A 
APPENDIX B 
 
MILITARY REMINISCENCES OF 
THE CIVIL WAR
CHAPTER I 
THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR 
Ohio Senate April 12--Sumter bombarded--"Glory to God!"--The 
surrender--Effect on public sentiment--Call for troops--Politicians 
changing front--David Tod--Stephen A. Douglas--The insurrection 
must be crushed--Garfield on personal duty--Troops organized by the 
States--The militia--Unpreparedness--McClellan at Columbus--Meets 
Governor Dennison--Put in command--Our stock of 
munitions--Making estimates--McClellan's plan--Camp Jackson--Camp 
Dennison--Gathering of the volunteers--Garibaldi uniforms--Officering 
the troops--Off for Washington--Scenes in the State Capitol--Governor 
Dennison's labors--Young regulars--Scott's policy--Alex. 
McCook--Orlando Poe--Not allowed to take state commissions. 
On Friday the twelfth day of April, 1861, the Senate of Ohio was in 
session, trying to go on in the ordinary routine of business, but with a 
sense of anxiety and strain which was caused by the troubled condition 
of national affairs. The passage of Ordinances of Secession by one after 
another of the Southern States, and even the assembling of a 
provisional Confederate government at Montgomery, had not wholly 
destroyed the hope that some peaceful way out of our troubles would 
be found; yet the gathering of an army on the sands opposite Fort 
Sumter was really war, and if a hostile gun were fired, we knew it 
would mean the end of all effort at arrangement. Hoping almost against 
hope that blood would not be shed, and that the pageant of military 
array and of a rebel government would pass by and soon be reckoned 
among the disused scenes and properties of a political drama that never 
pretended to be more than acting, we tried to give our thoughts to 
business; but there was no heart in it, and the morning hour lagged, for 
we could not work in earnest and we were unwilling to adjourn. 
Suddenly a senator came in from the lobby in an excited way, and 
catching the chairman's eye, exclaimed, "Mr. President, the telegraph 
announces that the secessionists are bombarding Fort Sumter!" There 
was a solemn and painful hush, but it was broken in a moment by a
woman's shrill voice from the spectators' seats, crying, "Glory to God!" 
It startled every one, almost as if the enemy were in the midst. But it 
was the voice of a radical friend of the slave, who after a lifetime of 
public agitation believed that only through blood could freedom be won. 
Abby Kelly Foster had been attending the session of the Assembly, 
urging the passage of some measures enlarging the legal rights of 
married women, and, sitting beyond the railing when the news came in, 
shouted a fierce cry of joy that oppression had submitted its cause to 
the decision of the sword. With most of us, the gloomy thought that 
civil war had begun in our own land overshadowed everything, and 
seemed too great a price to pay for any good; a scourge to be borne 
only in preference to yielding the very groundwork of our 
republicanism,--the right to enforce a fair interpretation of the 
Constitution through the election of President and Congress. 
The next day we learned that Major Anderson had surrendered, and the 
telegraphic news from all the Northern States showed plain evidence of 
a popular outburst of loyalty to the Union, following a brief moment of 
dismay. Judge Thomas M. Key of Cincinnati, chairman of the Judiciary 
Committee, was the recognized leader of the Democratic party in the 
Senate, [Footnote: Afterward aide-de-camp and acting judge-advocate 
on McClellan's staff.] and at an early hour moved an adjournment to 
the following Tuesday, in order, as he said, that the senators might have 
the opportunity to go home and consult their constituents in the 
perilous crisis of public affairs. No objection was made to the 
adjournment, and the representatives took a similar recess. All were in 
a state of most anxious suspense,--the Republicans to know what 
initiative the Administration at Washington would take, and the 
Democrats to determine what course they should follow if the President 
should call for troops to put down the insurrection. 
Before    
    
		
	
	
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