the date of the Revolution up 
to the accession of George III., the independent authority of the Crown 
can scarcely be said to have had any practical force--scarcely, indeed, 
to have had any existence. The Government of the country was 
essentially Parliamentary. It was part of the compact with William III. 
A foreign dynasty had been established, and the people naturally 
looked to the protection of their domestic interests against the possible 
preponderance of extrinsic sympathies in the reigning power. Under 
William III., the claim of the United Provinces upon the special regard 
of the Sovereign was the object of national jealousy; and when the
House of Brunswick ascended the throne, popular vigilance was 
transferred to Hanover. The first two Princes of that House who ruled 
in England scarcely spoke our language, and were so ignorant of our 
Constitution and our customs, that they could not be admitted with 
safety to an active participation in the Government. The Whigs, who 
had brought about these changes, preserved in their own hands the 
entire authority of the State. The Sovereign was merely the motionless 
representative of the monarchical principle. But George III. was not an 
alien. Born in the country, educated in its language and its usages, and 
inspired by an ardent devotion to Protestantism, he entered life under 
auspices that attracted at once towards the Crown an amount of 
popularity which it had never enjoyed under his predecessors. The 
qualities and dispositions of the King were favourable to the cultivation 
of these opportunities. Without being profoundly versed in the 
philosophy of character, he possessed a remarkable aptitude in the 
discrimination of persons suited to his purposes. He had considerable 
skill (to which Lord Shelburne bears special testimony) in extracting 
the opinions of others, and turning the results to account. If his mind 
was not vigorous and original, it was active and adaptive, inquisitive 
and watchful. If his judgment was not always sound, his convictions 
were strong, and the tenacity of his resolution commanded submission. 
An accomplished linguist, fond of business, and having some talents as 
a writer, which enabled him to express his meaning with facility and 
clearness, he was well qualified to avail himself of the political 
accidents which contributed to revive and strengthen the royal 
prerogative. 
The Whigs themselves helped mainly to bring about this struggle 
between the Crown and the Parliament, or rather between the Crown 
and the "great families," to use Mr. Canning's phrase, who had hitherto 
absorbed the power and patronage of the State. United in principle, they 
were divided by personal jealousies. The long possession of office had 
given a sort of impunity to their pretensions; and believing that they 
held a perpetual tenure of Administration, they were weak enough, at 
every new ministerial change, to contend amongst themselves for the 
prizes. These internal dissensions weakened and scattered them, and 
prepared the way for those experiments which were made, during the
early years of George III., to conduct the Government without their aid. 
The effects were felt in an entire change of system. The accession of 
George III. was followed by a coup-d'état, which displaced the able 
Cabinet that had been organized by the elder Pitt, to make room for the 
Earl of Bute, who had the credit of being the author of the scheme, and 
who was utterly incapable of carrying it out. Independently of his want 
of the requisite qualifications as a statesman, there were other 
objections of a private nature to Lord Bute, which rendered it 
impossible that he could ostensibly continue to guide the councils of 
the Ministry, however he might be permitted, or retained, to influence 
them from behind the curtain. But his short essay at Government had 
sufficiently disturbed the ancien régime, to leave in the King's hands 
the power of choosing his Ministers without reference to popular 
clamour or the will of Parliament. The consequence was, a rapid series 
of Ministerial mutations, throughout which the contest for power was 
maintained on both sides with so fierce a spirit, that during the first ten 
years of the reign of George III., there were no less than seven 
successive Administrations. 
It was not till Lord North was called to the head of the Ministry, in 
1770, that the public uneasiness was allayed, and a Cabinet of the 
King's own choice was founded in security. Lord North was an especial 
favourite with the King, whose extraordinary regard for him originated 
in the promptitude with which he responded to His Majesty's appeal, at 
a moment of serious embarrassment, when the Duke of Grafton 
unexpectedly threw up the Government, and Lord North consented to 
undertake it. "I love you as a man of worth, as I esteem you as a 
Minister," writes the King to him on one occasion; "your conduct at a 
critical moment    
    
		
	
	
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