jealousy of the prerogatives of the Crown. 
He carried his zeal in that matter so far as even to draw upon himself 
the charge of desiring to strain the rights of the Crown beyond 
constitutional limitations. But as these limitations have never been 
accurately defined, and as it has always been difficult to prescribe the 
precise privileges which would relieve the Sovereign, on the one hand, 
from being a mere state puppet, without giving him, on the other, too 
great a preponderance of executive power, we need not discuss the 
justice of an imputation which refers to the general complexion of the 
King's views rather than to any particular acts of arbitrary authority. 
That it was the great aim of His Majesty's life to preserve the royal 
prerogatives from encroachment is undeniable; but it should be 
remembered that when George III. ascended the throne, the relative 
powers and responsibilities of the Sovereign and his advisers were not
so clearly marked or so well understood as they are at present; and if 
His Majesty's jealousy of the rights which he believed to be vested in 
his person led him to trespass upon the independence of his servants, or 
to resist what he considered the extreme demands of the Parliament, it 
was an error against the excesses of which our Constitution affords the 
easiest and simplest means of redress. 
Intimately conversant with official routine, and thoroughly master of 
the details of every department of the Government, he acquired a 
familiar knowledge of all the appointments in the gift of the Ministry, 
and reserved to himself the right of controlling them. Nor was this 
monopoly of patronage confined to offices of importance or 
considerable emolument; it descended even to commissions in the army, 
and the disposal of small places which custom as well as expediency 
had delegated to the heads of those branches of service to which they 
belonged. His Majesty's pertinacity on these points frequently 
precipitated painful embarrassments of a personal nature, entailed much 
disagreeable correspondence, and sometimes produced 
misunderstandings and alienations of far greater moment than the 
paltry considerations in which they originated. Amongst the numerous 
instances in which His Majesty insisted on the preservation of 
patronage in his own hands, one of the most conspicuous was his 
stipulation with the Marquis of Rockingham for unconditional power 
over the nomination of the household, at a moment when the exigency 
of public affairs compelled him to surrender other points of infinitely 
greater importance. We shall find in the course of the following letters 
that His Majesty's desire to advance the interests of particular 
individuals interfered seriously, on some occasions, with the 
convenience of the public service. 
The same spirit guided His Majesty's conduct, as far as the forms of the 
Constitution would permit, in his choice of Ministers. He had strong 
personal likings and antipathies, and rather than consent to have a 
Ministry imposed upon him consisting of men he disapproved, he 
would have suffered any amount of difficulty or inconvenience. He 
prevailed upon Lord North to remain in office three years in the face of 
sinking majorities, and against his Lordship's own wishes, for the sole
purpose of keeping out the Whigs, whom he regarded with a feeling of 
the bitterest aversion. Good reasons, no doubt, might be suggested for 
this passionate abhorrence of the Whigs, who, independently of party 
antecedents, had given His Majesty much cause of uneasiness, by their 
strenuous opposition to the measures of his favourite Ministers, and by 
their alliance with his son. So deeply was this feeling rooted in His 
Majesty's mind, that when a junction with that party seemed to be all 
but inevitable in March, 1778, he threatened to abdicate rather than be 
"trampled on by his enemies." Four years afterwards he explicitly 
repeated the same threat under the excitement of an adverse division; 
and it was supposed by those who were best acquainted with the 
firmness of his resolution that, had he been forced to extremities, he 
would have carried his menace into execution. 
His conduct to his Ministers was equally steadfast where he bestowed 
his confidence, and stubborn where he withheld it. There were certain 
questions upon which he was known to be inexorable, and upon which 
it was useless to attempt to move him. Of these the most prominent 
were the American War, Catholic Emancipation, and Parliamentary 
Reform. Whether his judgment was right or wrong on these questions, 
it was fixed and unalterable; and the Ministers who took office under 
George III. knew beforehand the conditions of their service, so far as 
these paramount articles of faith were concerned. It was the knowledge 
of this rigorous trait in His Majesty's character, that made the Marquis 
of Rockingham insist upon submitting to the King a programme of the 
policy he intended to pursue before    
    
		
	
	
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