greater 
than those of any other city--those of Great Britain many times greater 
than those of any other country. 
Of course the deposits of bankers are not a strictly accurate measure of 
the resources of a Money Market. On the contrary, much more cash 
exists out of banks in France and Germany, and in all non-banking 
countries, than could be found in England or Scotland, where banking 
is developed. But that cash is not, so to speak, 'money-market money:' 
it is not attainable. Nothing but their immense misfortunes, nothing but 
a vast loan in their own securities, could have extracted the hoards of 
France from the custody of the French people. The offer of no other 
securities would have tempted them, for they had confidence in no 
other securities. For all other purposes the money hoarded was useless
and might as well not have been hoarded. But the English money is 
'borrowable' money. Our people are bolder in dealing with their money 
than any continental nation, and even if they were not bolder, the mere 
fact that their money is deposited in a bank makes it far more 
obtainable. A million in the hands of a single banker is a great power; 
he can at once lend it where he will, and borrowers can come to him, 
because they know or believe that he has it. But the same sum scattered 
in tens and fifties through a whole nation is no power at all: no one 
knows where to find it or whom to ask for it. Concentration of money 
in banks, though not the sole cause, is the principal cause which has 
made the Money Market of England so exceedingly rich, so much 
beyond that of other countries. 
The effect is seen constantly. We are asked to lend, and do lend, vast 
sums, which it would be impossible to obtain elsewhere. It is 
sometimes said that any foreign country can borrow in Lombard Street 
at a price: some countries can borrow much cheaper than others; but all, 
it is said, can have some money if they choose to pay enough for it. 
Perhaps this is an exaggeration; but confined, as of course it was meant 
to be, to civilised Governments, it is not much of an exaggeration. 
There are very few civilised Governments that could not borrow 
considerable sums of us if they choose, and most of them seem more 
and more likely to choose. If any nation wants even to make a 
railway--especially at all a poor nation--it is sure to come to this 
country--to the country of banks--for the money. It is true that English 
bankers are not themselves very great lenders to foreign states. But they 
are great lenders to those who lend. They advance on foreign stocks, as 
the phrase is, with 'a margin;' that is, they find eighty per cent of the 
money, and the nominal lender finds the rest. And it is in this way that 
vast works are achieved with English aid which but for that aid would 
never have been planned. 
In domestic enterprises it is the same. We have entirely lost the idea 
that any undertaking likely to pay, and seen to be likely, can perish for 
want of money; yet no idea was more familiar to our ancestors, or is 
more common now in most countries. A citizen of London in Queen 
Elizabeth's time could not have imagined our state of mind. He would 
have thought that it was of no use inventing railways (if he could have 
understood what a railway meant), for you would not have been able to
collect the capital with which to make them. At this moment, in 
colonies and all rude countries, there is no large sum of transferable 
money; there is no fund from which you can borrow, and out of which 
you can make immense works. Taking the world as a whole--either 
now or in the past--it is certain that in poor states there is no spare 
money for new and great undertakings, and that in most rich states the 
money is too scattered, and clings too close to the hands of the owners, 
to be often obtainable in large quantities for new purposes. A place like 
Lombard Street, where in all but the rarest times money can be always 
obtained upon good security or upon decent prospects of probable gain, 
is a luxury which no country has ever enjoyed with even comparable 
equality before. 
But though these occasional loans to new enterprises and foreign States 
are the most conspicuous instances of the power of Lombard Street, 
they are not by any means the most remarkable or the most important 
use of that power. English trade is carried on upon borrowed capital to 
an extent of which few foreigners have an idea, and    
    
		
	
	
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