can 
effectually shake him, unless he were to be defeated in the war he has 
been endeavouring to bring about. The whole prospects are as gloomy 
as possible for the friends of freedom and of peace. 
From Lord Brougham _Cannes, April 10th_.--Many thanks for your 
letter, which gives me information much beyond what my other letters 
give, but far from agreeable either as to home or foreign affairs. This 
destruction (I fear I must call it) of the Liberal party by the personal 
vanity, which they call by the higher name of ambition, of two persons 
is truly deplorable; and the conduct of the Government in dissolving is 
such as can hardly be exceeded in folly. We shall have an increased 
split, I fear, of the Liberals, and a weaker Government than ever. I 
grieve to say that matters look as ill for peace in this country and Italy 
as ever. The conduct of Cavour is abominable. 
I grieve to give you a worse account than ever of Tocqueville. Dr. 
Maure had condemned him from the first, but Dr. Sève had sanguine 
hopes, at least, of a long time being given. But I have just seen him, 
and he now says it is an affair of days. So all is nearly over. Mme. T. is 
also very ill, and Beaumont being forced to leave them is most 
vexatious. 
From Lord Clarendon _G. C., April 10th_.--Do you chance to have a 
proof-sheet of that part of your article which treats of the rights of 
Austria to Lombardy and Venice and her reversionary rights to the 
other States, and, if so, will you lend it to me? You have made the 
whole case so clear that I should like to read it over again, as it may be 
necessary to say something on the subject in the House of Lords when 
Malmesbury makes his statement, and I see that the 'Edinburgh Review' 
will not be out till Friday, otherwise I would not trouble you. 
_G. C., April 13th_.--Many thanks for the proof-sheets, and 
Schwarzenberg's despatch and Duvergier's letter, which I enclose. I was 
kept at home by a slight attack of gout yesterday, and did not see 
Malmesbury, but on Monday he told me that he had hopes of being 
able to announce a disarming of the three would-be belligerent Powers.
Until he makes that statement I shall not believe in its probability. 
Palmerston and Lord John seem well aware that any encouragement to 
war would be most unpopular at home, and I don't expect that there will 
be much discussion on Friday. 
_From the Duc d'Aumale_ 
Orleans House, April 11th. 
On my return from Claremont I find your letter. With my brothers I had 
just been deploring the great loss sustained by the Liberal party. 
[Footnote: The death of Tocqueville was prematurely announced a 
week before it actually took place.] Of all the men of mark in our 
deliberative assemblies, M. de Tocqueville was certainly the most 
stainless. He had the rare advantage of not being obnoxious to any of 
the parties existing in France, by which I mean all self-respecting 
parties, such as will be taken into account on the day when France shall 
become herself again. He would certainly have been one of the most 
important members of the first free government in our country. Even as 
things are, he was one of our public characters whose voice carried 
most weight, and who was best fitted to enlighten the minds of others. 
God has taken him from us before his time. Forgive me for retaining so 
much selfishness and party spirit before the coffin of so good and 
amiable a man; for regretting his public more than his private virtues. 
_From M. Guizot_ 
_Paris, April 15th_.--... France does not understand, approve, or wish 
for an Italian war now any more than she did six months ago. I persist 
in thinking that in his inmost soul, and of his own judgement, the 
Emperor Napoleon would also be glad to be rid of it, provided it should 
be quite clear that it is not of his free will that he backs out of his 
promise, and that, in remaining at peace, he is yielding to imperious 
necessity, to the interest, will, and influence of Europe. On Europe, 
therefore, the matter depends; and, in this, Europe is England, for 
Prussia will follow England. It is, therefore, towards you that all of us 
who are friends of peace and good sense now turn our eyes. Do not fall 
a prey to the disease which has mastered all the politicians of the time.
Do not be afraid to take the initiative, to incur the responsibility; decide 
and act according to your own opinion, instead of waiting for 
circumstances to decide and act for you. On this    
    
		
	
	
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