Library of the Worlds Best Literature, Ancient and Modern, Vol. 5 | Page 4

events of the next seven years are familiar history. In 1864 Prussia
and Austria made war on Denmark, and obtained a joint sovereignty
over the duchies of Holstein and Schleswig. In 1866, with Italy as her

ally, Prussia drove Austria out of the German Confederation; annexed
Schleswig, Holstein, Hanover, Electoral Hesse, and Frankfort; and
brought all the German States north of the Main, except Luxemburg,
into the North German Confederation, of which the King of Prussia
was President and Bismarck Chancellor. When war was declared by
France in 1870, the South German States also placed their forces at the
King of Prussia's disposal; and before the war was over they joined the
newly established German Empire, which thus included all the
territories of the old Confederation except German Austria and
Luxemburg. The old Confederation was a mere league of sovereign
States; the new Empire was a nation. To this Empire, at the close of the
war, the French Republic paid an indemnity of five milliards of francs,
and ceded Alsace and Lorraine.
In giving the German people political unity Bismarck realized their
strongest and deepest desire; and the feeling entertained toward him
underwent a sudden revulsion. From 1862 to 1866 he had been the best
hated man in Germany. The partial union of 1867--when, as he
expressed it, Germany was "put in the saddle"--made him a national
hero. The reconciliation with the people was the more complete
because, at Bismarck's suggestion, a German Parliament was created,
elected by universal suffrage, and because the Prussian ministers (to the
great indignation of their conservative supporters) asked the Prussian
Deputies to grant them indemnity for their unconstitutional conduct of
the government during the preceding four years. For the next ten years
Bismarck had behind him, in Prussian and in German affairs, a
substantial nationalist majority. At times, indeed, he had to restrain
their zeal. In 1867, for instance, when they desired to take Baden alone
into the new union,--the rest of South Germany being averse to
entrance,--Bismarck was obliged to tell them that it would be a poor
policy "to skim off the cream and let the rest of the milk turn sour."
Bismarck remained Chancellor of the Empire as well as
Minister-President of Prussia until 1890, when William II. demanded
his resignation. During these years the military strength of the Empire
was greatly increased; its finances were placed upon an independent
footing; its authority was extended in legislative matters, and its

administrative system was developed and consolidated. Conflicts with
the Roman Catholic hierarchy (1873-87), and with the Social
Democracy (1878-90) resulted indecisively; though Bismarck's desire
to alleviate the misery which in his opinion caused the socialistic
movement gave rise to a series of remarkable laws for the insurance of
the laboring classes against accident, disease, and old age. With a
return to the protective system, which Bismarck advocated for fiscal
reasons, he combined the attempt to enlarge Germany's foreign market
by the establishment of imperial colonies in Africa and in the Pacific
Ocean. In other respects his foreign policy, after 1870, was controlled
by the desire to preserve peace. "Germany," he said, "belongs to the
satisfied nations." When the Russian friendship cooled, he secured an
alliance with Austria (1879), which Italy also joined (1882); and the
"triple alliance" thus formed continued to dominate European politics
for many years after Bismarck's withdrawal from office.
Of Bismarck's State papers, the greater portion are still buried in the
Prussian archives. The most important series that has been published
consists of his dispatches from Frankfort (Poschinger, Preussen im
Bundestag, 1851-8, 4 vols.). These are marked by clearness of
statement, force of argument, and felicity of illustration. The style,
although less direct and simple than that of his unofficial writings, is
still excellent. A large part of the interest attaching to these early papers
lies in their acute characterization of the diplomatists with whom he
had to deal. His analysis of their motives reveals from the outset that
thorough insight into human nature which was to count for so much in
his subsequent diplomatic triumphs. Of his later notes and dispatches,
such as have seen the light may be found in Hahn's documentary
biography ('Fürst Bismarck,' 5 vols.). His reports and memorials on
economic and fiscal questions have been collected by Poschinger in
'Bismarck als Volkswirth.'
Of Bismarck's parliamentary speeches there exists a full collection
(reproduced without revision from the stenographic reports) in fifteen
volumes. Bismarck was not an orator in the ordinary acceptation of the
word. His mode of address was conversational; his delivery was
monotonous and halting. He often hesitated, searching for a word; but

when it came, it usually seemed the only word that could have
expressed his meaning, and the hesitation that preceded it gave it a
singular emphasis. It seemed to be his aim to