the other hand the Major wants me back in Agra by Saturday, so I 
suppose I shall be starting some time next week, but unless I hear 
before posting this I can tell you nothing of the strength or composition
of the draft or the date of sailing. 
Everyone insists on ([Greek: alpha]) congratulating me for going to a 
front and ([Greek: beta]) condoling that it is the P.G. I don't really 
agree with either sentiment. I'm afraid I regard all war jobs as nasty, 
and the more warlike the nastier, but I do think one ought to taste the 
same cup as all one's friends are drinking, and if I am to go to any front 
I would as soon go to the P.G. as anywhere. It will be a new part of the 
world to me and very interesting. The only bore is being separated from 
the regiment. 
Friday.--I had a talk on Wednesday with a Chaplain just returned from 
Basra, and he told me we're likely to stand fast now holding the line 
Nasiriya-Awaz (or some such place on the Tigris). An advance on 
Baghdad is impossible without two more divisions, because of the 
length of communications. There is nothing to be gained by advancing 
to any intermediate point. The only reason we went as far as Nasiriya 
was that it was the base of the army we beat at Shaiba, and they had 
reformed there in sufficient strength to be worth attacking. This is not 
thought likely to happen again, as the Dardanelles will increasingly 
absorb all Turkey's resources. 
It seems to me that what is wanted here pre-eminently is thinking ahead. 
The moment the war stops unprecedented clamours will begin, and 
only a Government which knows its aim and has thought out its method 
can deal with them. It seems to me, though my judgment is fearfully 
hampered by my inability to get at any comprehensive statement of 
most of the relevant facts, that the aim may be fairly simply defined, as 
the training of India to self-government within the Empire, combined 
with its good administration in trust meanwhile. That gives you a clear 
criterion--India's welfare, not British interests, and fixes the limit of the 
employment of Indians as the maximum consistent with good 
government. 
The method is of course far more difficult and requires far more 
knowledge of the facts than I possess. But I should set to work at it on 
these lines:--
1. Certain qualities need to be developed, responsibility, public spirit, 
self-respect and so on. This should be aimed at (i) by our own example 
and teaching, (ii) by a drastic reform of higher education. 
2. The barbarisms of the masses must be attacked. This can only be 
done by a scheme of universal education. 
3. The material level of civilisation should be raised. This means 
agricultural and industrial development, in which technical education 
would play a large part. 
Therefore, your method may be summed up in two words, sympathy 
and education. The first is mainly, of course, a personal question. 
Therefore, preserve at all costs a high standard of personnel for I.C.S. 
Try to get imaginative men at the top. Let all ranks understand from the 
outset the aim they have to work for, and let Indians know it. Above all 
let every official act prove it, confidence is a plant of slow and tender 
growth here. Beware of phrases and western formulæ; probably the 
benevolent autocrat, whether English or Indian, will always govern 
better than a committee or an assembly. 
The second--education--is a question of £ s. d. The aim should be a 
far-sighted and comprehensive scheme. A great effort to get the 
adequate funds should be made and a scheme capable of ready 
expansion started. Reform of higher education will be very unpopular, 
but should be firmly and thoroughly carried out; it ought not to cost 
much. The bulk of the money at first should go to technical education 
and the encouragement of agriculture and industry. This will be 
remunerative, by increasing the country's wealth. Elementary education 
would have to begin by supplying schools where asked for, at a certain 
rate. From this they would aim at making it gradually universal, then 
free, then compulsory. But that will be many years hence inevitably. 
I should work at a policy on these lines: announce it, invite Indian 
co-operation, and meanwhile deal very firmly with all forms of 
disorder. 
* * * * *
AGRA. 
August 12th, 1915. 
To R.K. 
This last list is almost more than I can bear. It is hardly possible to 
think of poor dear Gilbert as killed. Do let me know how Foss is and 
how he gets on. Your letters are such a joy, and they give me news I get 
from nobody else. 
I'm afraid my    
    
		
	
	
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