It seems probable that her hills were not only the 
citadel but the general refuge of the lowlanders of those parts, when 
forced to fly before the onslaught of the highlanders, who were 
impelled by successive wars of migration to the plains. The Campagna 
affords no stronghold or rallying point but those hills, which may have 
received a population of fugitives like the islands of Venice. The city 
may have drawn part of its population and some of its political 
elements from this source. In this sense the story of the Asylum may 
possibly represent a fact, though it has itself nothing to do with history. 
Then, as to imperial organization and government. Superiority in these 
would naturally flow from superiority in civilization, and in previous 
political training, the first of which Rome derived from her 
comparative wealth and from the mental characteristics of a city 
population; the second she derived from the long struggle through 
which the rights of the plebeians were equalized with those of the 
patricians, and which again must have had its ultimate origin in 
geographical circumstance bringing together different elements of 
population. Cromwell was a politician and a religious leader before he 
was a soldier; Napoleon was a soldier before he was a politician: to this 
difference between the moulds in which their characters were cast may 
be traced, in great measure, the difference of their conduct when in 
power, Cromwell devoting himself to political and ecclesiastical reform,
while Napoleon used his supremacy chiefly as the means of gratifying 
his lust for war. There is something analogous in the case of imperial 
nations. Had the Roman, when he conquered the world been like the 
Ottoman, like the Ottoman he would probably have remained. His thirst 
for blood slaked, he would simply have proceeded to gratify his other 
animal lusts; he would have destroyed or consumed everything, 
produced nothing, delivered over the world to a plundering anarchy of 
rapacious satraps, and when his sensuality had overpowered his 
ferocity, he would have fallen in his turn before some horde whose 
ferocity was fresh, and the round of war and havoc would have 
commenced again. The Roman destroyed and consumed a good deal; 
but he also produced not a little: he produced, among other things, first 
in Italy, then in the world at large, the Peace of Rome indispensable to 
civilization, and destined to be the germ and precursor of the Peace of 
Humanity. 
In two respects, however, the geographical circumstances of Rome 
appear specially to have prepared her for the exercise of universal 
empire. In the first place, her position was such as to bring her into 
contact from the outset with a great variety of races. The cradle of her 
dominion was a sort of ethnological microcosm. Latins, Etruscans, 
Greeks, Campanians, with all the mountain races and the Gauls, make 
up a school of the most diversified experience, which could not fail to 
open the minds of the future masters of the world. How different was 
this education from that of a people which is either isolated, like the 
Egyptians, or comes into contact perhaps in the way of continual border 
hostility with a single race! What the exact relations of Rome with 
Etruria were in the earliest times we do not know, but evidently they 
were close; while between the Roman and the Etruscan character the 
difference appears to have been as wide as possible. The Roman was 
pre-eminently practical and business- like, sober-minded, moral, 
unmystical, unsacerdotal, much concerned with present duties and 
interests, very little concerned about a future state of existence, 
peculiarly averse from human sacrifices and from all wild and dark 
superstitions. The Etruscan, as he has portrayed himself to us in his 
tombs, seems to have been, in his later development at least, a mixture 
of Sybaritism with a gloomy and almost Mexican religion, which 
brooded over the terrors of the next world, and sought in the constant
practice of human sacrifice a relief from its superstitious fear. If the 
Roman could tolerate the Etruscans, be merciful to them, and manage 
them well, he was qualified to deal in a statesmanlike way with the 
peculiarities of almost any race, except those whose fierce nationality 
repelled all management whatever. In borrowing from the Etruscans 
some of their theological lore and their system of divination, small as 
the value of the things borrowed was, the Roman, perhaps, gave an 
earnest of the receptiveness which led him afterwards, in his hour of 
conquest, to bow to the intellectual ascendency of the conquered Greek, 
and to become a propagator of Greek culture, though partly in a 
Latinized form, more effectual than Alexander and his Orientalized 
successors. 
In the second place, the geographical circumstances of Rome, 
combined with her character, would naturally lead to the foundation of 
colonies    
    
		
	
	
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