John Quincy Adams | Page 8

All Europe was
getting under arms in the long and desperate struggle with France.
Scarcely had he presented his credentials to the Stadtholder ere that

dignitary was obliged to flee before the conquering standards of the
French. Pichegru marched into the capital city of the Low Countries,
hung out the tri-color, and established the "Batavian Republic" as the
ally of France. The diplomatic representatives of most of the European
powers forthwith left, and Mr. Adams was strongly moved to do the
same, though for reasons different from those which actuated his
compeers. He was not, like them, placed in an unpleasant position by
the new condition of affairs, but on the contrary he was very cordially
treated by the French and their Dutch partisans, and was obliged to fall
back upon his native prudence to resist their compromising overtures
and dangerous friendship. Without giving offence he yet kept clear of
entanglements, and showed a degree of wisdom and skill which many
older and more experienced Americans failed to evince, either abroad
or at home, during these exciting years. But he appeared to be left
without occupation in the altered condition of affairs, and (p. 021)
therefore was considering the propriety of returning, when advices
from home induced him to stay. Washington especially wrote that he
must not think of retiring, and prophesied that he would soon be "found
at the head of the diplomatic corps, be the government administered by
whomsoever the people may choose." He remained, therefore, at the
Hague, a shrewd and close observer of the exciting events occurring
around him, industriously pursuing an extensive course of study and
reading, making useful acquaintances, acquiring familiarity with
foreign languages, with the usages of diplomacy and the habits of
distinguished society. He had little public business to transact, it is true;
but at least his time was well spent for his own improvement.
An episode in his life at the Hague was his visit to England, where he
was directed to exchange ratifications of the treaty lately negotiated by
Mr. Jay. But a series of vexatious delays, apparently maliciously
contrived, detained him so long that upon his arrival he found this
specific task already accomplished by Mr. Deas. He was probably not
disappointed that his name thus escaped connection with engagements
so odious to a large part of the nation. He had, however, some further
business of an informal character to transact with Lord Grenville, (p.
022) and in endeavoring to conduct it found himself rather awkwardly
placed. He was not minister to the Court of St. James, having been only

vaguely authorized to discuss certain arrangements in a tentative way,
without the power to enter into any definitive agreement. But the
English Cabinet strongly disliking Mr. Deas, who in the absence of Mr.
Pinckney represented for the time the United States, and much
preferring to negotiate with Mr. Adams, sought by many indirect and
artful subterfuges to thrust upon him the character of a regularly
accredited minister. He had much ado to avoid, without offence, the
assumption of functions to which he had no title, but which were with
designing courtesy forced upon him. His cool and moderate temper,
however, carried him successfully through the whole business, alike in
its social and its diplomatic aspect.
Another negotiation, of a private nature also, he brought to a successful
issue during these few months in London. He made the acquaintance of
Miss Louisa Catherine Johnson, daughter of Joshua Johnson, then
American Consul at London, and niece of that Governor Johnson, of
Maryland, who had signed the Declaration of Independence and was
afterwards placed on the bench of the Supreme Court of (p. 023) the
United States. To this lady he became engaged; and returning not long
afterward he was married to her on July 26, 1797. It was a thoroughly
happy and, for him, a life-long union.
President Washington, toward the close of his second term, transferred
Mr. Adams to the Court of Portugal. But before his departure thither his
destination was changed. Some degree of embarrassment was felt about
this time concerning his further continuance in public office, by reason
of his father's accession to the Presidency. He wrote to his mother a
manly and spirited letter, rebuking her for carelessly dropping an
expression indicative of a fear that he might look for some favor at his
father's hands. He could neither solicit nor expect anything, he justly
said, and he was pained that his mother should not know him better
than to entertain any apprehension of his feeling otherwise. It was a
perplexing position in which the two were placed. It would be a great
hardship to cut short the son's career because of the success of the
father, yet the reproach of nepotism could not be lightly encountered,
even with