cairn and urn burial; the use of the 
chariot in war; the use of bronze for weapons; a peculiar stage of 
customary law; a peculiar form of semi-feudal society; a peculiar kind 
of house. But again, by a change in the theory, the poets introduced 
later novelties; later forms of defensive armour; later modes of burial; 
later religious and speculative beliefs; a later style of house; an 
advanced stage of law; modernisms in grammar and language. 
The usual position of critics in this matter is stated by Helbig; and we 
are to contend that the theory is contradicted by all experience of 
ancient literatures, and is in itself the reverse of consistent. "The artists 
of antiquity," says Helbig, with perfect truth, "had no idea of 
archaeological studies.... They represented legendary scenes in 
conformity with the spirit of their own age, and reproduced the arms 
and implements and costume that they saw around them." [Footnote: 
L'Épopée Homerique, p. 5; Homerische Epos, p. 4.] 
Now a poet is an artist, like another, and he, too--no less than the vase 
painter or engraver of gems--in dealing with legends of times past, 
represents (in an uncritical age) the arms, utensils, costume, and the 
religious, geographical, legal, social, and political ideas of his own 
period. We shall later prove that this is true by examples from the early 
mediaeval epic poetry of Europe.
It follows that if the Iliad is absolutely consistent and harmonious in its 
picture of life, and of all the accessories of life, the Iliad is the work of 
a single age, of a single stage of culture, the poet describing his own 
environment. But Helbig, on the other hand, citing Wilamowitz 
Moellendorff, declares that the Iliad--the work of four centuries, he 
says--maintains its unity of colour by virtue of an uninterrupted 
poetical tradition. [Footnote: Homerische Untersuchungen, p. 292; 
Homerische Epos, p. I.] If so, the poets must have archaeologised, must 
have kept asking themselves, "Is this or that detail true to the past?" 
which artists in uncritical ages never do, as we have been told by 
Helbig. They must have carefully pondered the surviving old Achaean 
lays, which "were born when the heroes could not read, or boil flesh, or 
back a steed." By carefully observing the earliest lays the late poets, in 
times of changed manners, "could avoid anachronisms by the aid of 
tradition, which gave them a very exact idea of the epic heroes." Such 
is the opinion of Wilamowitz Moellendorff. He appears to regard the 
tradition as keeping the later poets in the old way automatically, not 
consciously, but this, we also learn from Helbig, did not occur. The 
poets often wandered from the way. [Footnote: Helbig, Homerische 
Epos, pp. 2, 3.] Thus old Mycenaean lays, if any existed, would 
describe the old Mycenaean mode of burial. The Homeric poet 
describes something radically different. We vainly ask for proof that in 
any early national literature known to us poets have been true to the 
colour and manners of the remote times in which their heroes moved, 
and of which old minstrels sang. The thing is without example: of this 
proofs shall be offered in abundance. 
Meanwhile, the whole theory which regards the Iliad as the work of 
four or five centuries rests on the postulate that poets throughout these 
centuries did what such poets never do, kept true to the details of a life 
remote from their own, and also did not. 
For Helbig does not, after all, cleave to his opinion. On the other hand, 
he says that the later poets of the Iliad did not cling to tradition. "They 
allowed themselves to be influenced by their own environment: _this 
influence betrays ITSELF IN THE descriptions of DETAILS_.... The 
rhapsodists," (reciters, supposed to have altered the poems at will), "did
not fail to interpolate relatively recent elements into the oldest parts of 
the Epic." [Footnote: Homerische Epos, p. 2.] 
At this point comes in a complex inconsistency. The Tenth Book of the 
Iliad, thinks Helbig--in common with almost all critics--"is one of the 
most recent lays of the Iliad." But in this recent lay (say of the eighth or 
seventh century) the poet describes the Thracians as on a level of 
civilisation with the Achaeans, and, indeed, as even more luxurious, 
wealthy, and refined in the matter of good horses, glorious armour, and 
splendid chariots. But, by the time of the Persian wars, says Helbig, the 
Thracians were regarded by the Greeks as rude barbarians, and their 
military equipment was totally un-Greek. They did not wear helmets, 
but caps of fox-skin. They had no body armour; their shields were 
small round bucklers; their weapons were bows and daggers. These 
customs could not, at the time of the Persian wars, be recent 
innovations in Thrace. [Footnote: Herodotus, vii. 75.] 
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