this high trust by trampling, or 
suffering to be trampled down, law, justice, the Constitution, and the 
rights of the people? by exhibiting examples of inhumanity and cruelty 
and ambition? When the minions of despotism heard, in Europe, of the 
seizure of Pensacola, how did they chuckle, and chide the admirers of 
our institutions, tauntingly pointing to the demonstration of a spirit of 
injustice and aggrandizement made by our country, in the midst of an 
amicable negotiation! Behold, said they, the conduct of those who are 
constantly reproaching kings! You saw how those admirers were 
astounded and hung their heads. you saw, too, when that illustrious 
man, who presides over us, adopted his pacific, moderate, and just 
course, how they once more lifted up their heads with exultation and 
delight beaming in their countenances. And you saw how those 
minions themselves were finally compelled to unite in the general 
praises bestowed upon our government. Beware how you forfeit this 
exalted character. Beware how you give a fatal sanction, in this infant 
period of our Republic, scarcely yet twoscore years old, to military 
insubordination. Remember that Greece had her Alexander, Rome her 
Caesar, England her Cromwell, France her Bonaparte, and that if we 
would escape the rock on which they split we must avoid their errors. 
How different has been the treatment of General Jackson and that 
modest, but heroic young man, a native of one of the smallest States in 
the Union, who achieved for his country, on Lake Erie, one of the most 
glorious victories of the late war. In a moment of passion he forgot 
himself and offered an act of violence which was repented of as soon as 
perpetrated. He was tried, and suffered the judgment to be pronounced 
by his peers. Public justice was thought not even then to be satisfied. 
The press and Congress took up the subject. My honorable friend from 
Virginia, Mr. Johnson, the faithful and consistent sentinel of the law
and of the Constitution, disapproved in that instance, as he does in this, 
and moved an inquiry. The public mind remained agitated and 
unappeased until the recent atonement, so honorably made by the 
gallant commodore. And is there to be a distinction between the 
officers of the two branches of the public service? Are former services, 
however eminent, to preclude even inquiry into recent misconduct? Is 
there to be no limit, no prudential bounds to the national gratitude? I 
am not disposed to censure the President for not ordering a court of 
inquiry, or a general court-martial. Perhaps, impelled by a sense of 
gratitude, he determined, by anticipation, to extend to the general that 
pardon which he had the undoubted right to grant after sentence. Let us 
not shrink from our duty. Let us assert our constitutional powers, and 
vindicate the instrument from military violation. 
I hope gentlemen will deliberately survey the awful isthmus on which 
we stand. They may bear down all opposition; they may even vote the 
general the public thanks; they may carry him triumphantly through 
this House. But, if they do, in my humble judgment, it will be a triumph 
of the principle of insubordination, a triumph of the military over the 
civil authority, a triumph over the powers of this House, a triumph over 
the Constitution of the land. And I pray most devoutly to Heaven that it 
may not prove, in its ultimate effects and consequences, a triumph over 
the liberties of the people. 
 
END OF PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "ON THE SEMINOLE 
WAR" 
 
End of The Project Gutenberg Etext of Henry Clay's Remarks Before 
The House and Senate of the United States of America Parts 1 and 2 
 
Etext of Henry Clay's Remarks Before The 
 
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