others who ten years back had no prospect of ever being 
admitted. All is transition, the waves follow one another to the far west, 
the froth and scum, boiling in the advance. 
America is, indeed, well worth the study of the philosopher. A vast 
nation forming, society ever changing, all in motion and activity, 
nothing complete, the old continent pouring in her surplus to supply the 
loss of the eastern states, all busy as a hive, full of energy and activity. 
Every year multitudes swarm off from the east, like bees: not the young 
only, but the old, quitting the close-built cities, society, and refinement, 
to settle down in some lone spot in the vast prairies, where the rich soil 
offers to them the certain prospect of their families and children being 
one day possessed of competency and wealth.
To write upon America as a nation would be absurd, for nation, 
properly speaking, it is not; but to consider it in its present chaotic state, 
is well worth the labour. It would not only exhibit to the living a 
somewhat new picture of the human mind, but, as a curious page in the 
Philosophy of History, it would hereafter serve as a subject of review 
for the Americans themselves. 
It is not my intention to follow the individualising plans of the majority 
of those who have preceded me in this country. I did not sail across the 
Atlantic to ascertain whether the Americans eat their dinners with 
two-prong iron, or three-prong silver forks, with chopsticks, or their 
fingers; it is quite sufficient for me to know that they do eat and drink; 
if they did not, it would be a curious anomaly which I should not pass 
over. My object was, to examine and ascertain what were the effects of 
a democratic form of government and climate upon a people which, 
with all its foreign admixture, may still be considered as English. 
It is a fact that our virtues and our vices depend more upon 
circumstances than upon ourselves, and there are no circumstances 
which operate so powerfully upon us as government and climate. Let it 
not be supposed that, in the above assertion, I mean to extenuate vice, 
or imply that we are not free agents. Naturally prone to vices in general, 
circumstances will render us more prone to one description of vice than 
to another; but that is no reason why we should not be answerable for it, 
since it is our duty to guard against the besetting sin. But as an agent in 
this point the form of government under which we live is, perhaps, the 
most powerful in its effects, and thus we constantly hear of vices 
peculiar to a country, when it ought rather to be said, of vices peculiar 
to a government. 
Never, perhaps, was the foundation of a nation laid under such 
peculiarly favourable auspices as that of America. The capital they 
commenced with was industry, activity, and courage. They had, 
moreover, the advantage of the working of genius and wisdom, and the 
records of history, as a beacon and a guide; the trial of ages, as to the 
respective merits of the various governments to which men have 
submitted; the power to select the merits from the demerits in each; a
boundless extent of country, rich in everything that could be of 
advantage to man; and they were led by those who where really giants 
in those days, a body of men collected and acting together, forming an 
aggregate of wisdom and energy, such as probably will not for 
centuries be seen again. Never was there such an opportunity of testing 
the merits of a republic, of ascertaining if such a form of government 
could be maintained--in fact, of proving whether an enlightened people 
could govern themselves. And it must be acknowledged that the work 
was well begun; Washington, when his career had closed, left the 
country a pure republic. He did all that man could do. Miss Martineau 
asserts that "America has solved the great problem, that a republic can 
exist for fifty years;" but such is not the case. America has proved that, 
under peculiar advantages, a people can govern themselves for fifty 
years; but if you put the question to an enlightened American, and ask 
him, "Were Washington to rise from his grave, would he recognise the 
present government of America as the one bequeathed to them?" and 
the American will himself answer in the negative. These fifty years 
have afforded another proof, were it necessary, how short-sighted and 
fallible are men--how impossible it is to keep anything in a state of 
perfection here below. Washington left America as an infant nation, a 
pure and, I may add, a virtuous republic; but the government of the 
country has undergone as much    
    
		
	
	
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