The second object of a proper immigration law ought to be to secure by 
a careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent 
capacity to appreciate American institutions and act sanely as American 
citizens. This would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them 
belong to the intelligent criminal class. But it would do what is also in 
point, that is, tend to decrease the sum of ignorance, so potent in 
producing the envy, suspicion, malignant passion, and hatred of order, 
out of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all 
persons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of 
economic fitness to enter our industrial field as competitors with 
American labor. There should be proper proof of personal capacity to 
earn an American living and enough money to insure a decent start 
under American conditions. This would stop the influx of cheap labor, 
and the resulting competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness 
in American industrial life; and it would dry up the springs of the 
pestilential social conditions in our great cities, where anarchistic 
organizations have their greatest possibility of growth. 
Both the educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law 
should be designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and 
social. A very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship 
companies which mainly bring over the immigrants, and they should be 
held to a strict accountability for any infraction of the law. 
There is general acquiescence in our present tariff system as a national 
policy. The first requisite to our prosperity is the continuity and 
stability of this economic policy. Nothing could be more unwise than to 
disturb the business interests of the country by any general tariff change 
at this time. Doubt, apprehension, uncertainty are exactly what we most 
wish to avoid in the interest of our commercial and material well-being. 
Our experience in the past has shown that sweeping revisions of the
tariff are apt to produce conditions closely approaching panic in the 
business world. Yet it is not only possible, but eminently desirable, to 
combine with the stability of our economic system a supplementary 
system of reciprocal benefit and obligation with other nations. Such 
reciprocity is an incident and result of the firm establishment and 
preservation of our present economic policy. It was specially provided 
for in the present tariff law. 
Reciprocity must be treated as the handmaiden of protection. Our first 
duty is to see that the protection granted by the tariff in every case 
where it is needed is maintained, and that reciprocity be sought for so 
far as it can safely be done without injury to our home industries. Just 
how far this is must be determined according to the individual case, 
remembering always that every application of our tariff policy to meet 
our shifting national needs must be conditioned upon the cardinal fact 
that the duties must never be reduced below the point that will cover 
the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The well-being 
of the wage-worker is a prime consideration of our entire policy of 
economic legislation. 
Subject to this proviso of the proper protection necessary to our 
industrial well-being at home, the principle of reciprocity must 
command our hearty support. The phenomenal growth of our export 
trade emphasizes the urgency of the need for wider markets and for a 
liberal policy in dealing with foreign nations. Whatever is merely petty 
and vexatious in the way of trade restrictions should be avoided. The 
customers to whom we dispose of our surplus products in the long run, 
directly or indirectly, purchase those surplus products by giving us 
something in return. Their ability to purchase our products should as far 
as possible be secured by so arranging our tariff as to enable us to take 
from them those products which we can use without harm to our own 
industries and labor, or the use of which will be of marked benefit to 
us. 
It is most important that we should maintain the high level of our 
present prosperity. We have now reached the point in the development 
of our interests where we are not only able to supply our own markets 
but to produce a constantly growing surplus for which we must find 
markets abroad. To secure these markets we can utilize existing duties 
in any case where they are no longer needed for the purpose of
protection, or in any case where the article is not produced here and the 
duty is no longer necessary for revenue, as giving us something to offer 
in exchange for what we ask. The cordial relations with other nations 
which are so desirable will naturally be promoted by the course thus 
required by our own interests. 
The natural line of development for a policy    
    
		
	
	
	Continue reading on your phone by scaning this QR Code
	 	
	
	
	    Tip: The current page has been bookmarked automatically. If you wish to continue reading later, just open the 
Dertz Homepage, and click on the 'continue reading' link at the bottom of the page.