of the 
public, the Government should have the right to inspect and examine 
the workings of the great corporations engaged in interstate business. 
Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now invoke. What 
further remedies are needed in the way of governmental regulation, or 
taxation, can only be determined after publicity has been obtained, by 
process of law, and in the course of administration. The first requisite is 
knowledge, full and complete--knowledge which may be made public 
to the world. 
Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint stock or other 
associations, depending upon any statutory law for their existence or 
privileges, should be subject to proper governmental supervision, and 
full and accurate information as to their operations should be made 
public regularly at reasonable intervals. 
The large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in 
one State, always do business in many States, often doing very little 
business in the State where they are incorporated. There is utter lack of 
uniformity in the State laws about them; and as no State has any 
exclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice proved 
impossible to get adequate regulation through State action. Therefore, 
in the interest of the whole people, the Nation should, without 
interfering with the power of the States in the matter itself, also assume 
power of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an 
interstate business. This is especially true where the corporation derives 
a portion of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic element
or tendency in its business. There would be no hardship in such 
supervision; banks are subject to it, and in their case it is now accepted 
as a simple matter of course. Indeed, it is probable that supervision of 
corporations by the National Government need not go so far as is now 
the case with the supervision exercised over them by so conservative a 
State as Massachusetts, in order to produce excellent results. 
When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the eighteenth 
century, no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changes, alike 
in industrial and political conditions, which were to take place by the 
beginning of the twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a 
matter of course that the several States were the proper authorities to 
regulate, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively insignificant 
and strictly localized corporate bodies of the day. The conditions are 
now wholly different and wholly different action is called for. I believe 
that a law can be framed which will enable the National Government to 
exercise control along the lines above indicated; profiting by the 
experience gained through the passage and administration of the 
Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the judgment of the Congress is 
that it lacks the constitutional power to pass such an act, then a 
constitutional amendment should be submitted to confer the power. 
There should be created a Cabinet officer, to be known as Secretary of 
Commerce and Industries, as provided in the bill introduced at the last 
session of the Congress. It should be his province to deal with 
commerce in its broadest sense; including among many other things 
whatever concerns labor and all matters affecting the great business 
corporations and our merchant marine. 
The course proposed is one phase of what should be a comprehensive 
and far-reaching scheme of constructive statesmanship for the purpose 
of broadening our markets, securing our business interests on a safe 
basis, and making firm our new position in the international industrial 
world; while scrupulously safeguarding the rights of wage-worker and 
capitalist, of investor and private citizen, so as to secure equity as 
between man and man in this Republic. 
With the sole exception of the farming interest, no one matter is of such 
vital moment to our whole people as the welfare of the wage-workers. 
If the farmer and the wage-worker are well off, it is absolutely certain 
that all others will be well off too. It Is therefore a matter for hearty
congratulation that on the whole wages are higher to-day in the United 
States than ever before in our history, and far higher than in any other 
country. The standard of living is also higher than ever before. Every 
effort of legislator and administrator should be bent to secure the 
permanency of this condition of things and its improvement wherever 
possible. Not only must our labor be protected by the tariff, but it 
should also be protected so far as it is possible from the presence in this 
country of any laborers brought over by contract, or of those who, 
coming freely, yet represent a standard of living so depressed that they 
can undersell our men in the labor market and drag them to a lower 
level. I regard it as necessary, with this end in    
    
		
	
	
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