of its being an 
intolerant and aggressive organisation. All Protestants in Ireland feel 
deep respect for much of the work which is carried on by the Roman 
Catholic Church in Ireland. They gladly acknowledge the influence of 
its priesthood in maintaining and upholding the traditional morality and 
purity of the Irish race. They venerate the memories of those brave Irish 
priests who defied persecution in order to bring succour to their flocks 
in time of need. But they are bound to deal with the present political 
situation as they find it. They are determined that no Church, however 
admirable, and no creed, however lofty, should be forced upon them 
against their wills. There is a dark side to the picture, on which it is 
unnecessary to dwell. We have only to ask the Nonconformists of 
England what would be their feelings were a Roman Catholic majority 
returned to the British House of Commons.
In most of the articles in this book which deal with the religious 
question; special stress is laid upon recent Papal legislation. The _Ne 
Temere and the Motu Proprio_ decrees have constituted an invasion of 
the rights hitherto enjoyed by the minority in Ireland, and they are even 
more significant as an illustration of the policy of the Roman curia. 
Those who have watched the steady increase of Roman aggression in 
every Roman Catholic country, followed as it has been by passionate 
protest and determined action by the civil Governments, must realise 
the danger which Home Rule would bring to the faith and liberty of the 
people of Ireland. It is not inconsistent to urge, as many of us have 
urged, that Home Rule would mean alike a danger to the Protestant 
faith and a menace to Catholic power. The immediate result of 
successful Papal interference with civil liberties in every land has been 
a sweeping movement among the people which has been, not Protestant, 
but anti-Christian in its nature. If we fear the tyranny which the Roman 
Catholic Church has established under British rule in Malta and in 
Quebec, may we not fear also the reaction from such tyranny which has 
already taken place in France and Portugal. 
But we are told that there are to be in the new Home Rule Bill 
safeguards which will protect the minority from any interference with 
their civil and religious liberties. It is not necessary for me to go over 
again in detail the ground which is so admirably covered by Mr. 
George Cave and Mr. James Campbell. They show clearly that the 
existence of restrictions and limitations upon the activities of a Dublin 
Parliament, whether they are primarily intended to safeguard the British 
connection or to protect the liberties of minorities, cannot be worth the 
paper on which they are printed. Let us take, for instance, an attempt to 
prevent the marriages of Irish Protestants from being invalidated by an 
Irish Parliament. We may point out that an amendment to the 1893 
Home Rule Bill, designed to safeguard such marriages, was rejected by 
the vote of the Irish Nationalist party. But even were legislation 
affecting the marriage laws of the minority to be placed outside the 
control of a Dublin Parliament, the effect would not be to reassure the 
Protestant community. Mr. James Campbell mentions a case which has 
profoundly stirred the Puritan feelings of Irish Protestantism. A man 
charged with bigamy has been released without punishment because the
first marriage, although in conformity with the law of the land, was not 
recognised by the Roman Catholic Church. However justifiable that 
course may have been in the exceptional circumstances of that 
particular case, the precedent obviously prepares the way for a practical 
reversal of the law by executive or judicial action. We must remember 
that, since the Ne Temere decree has come into force, the marriages of 
Protestants and Roman Catholics are held by the Roman Catholic 
Church to be absolutely null and void unless they are celebrated in a 
Roman Catholic Church. We have also to bear in mind that these 
marriages will not be permitted by the priesthood except under 
conditions which many Irish Protestants consider humiliating and 
impossible. No more deadly attack upon the faith of the Protestant 
minority in the three provinces in Ireland can be imagined than to make 
a denial of their faith the essential condition to the enjoyment of the 
highest happiness for which they may look upon this earth. 
The second decree prohibits, under pain of excommunication, any 
Roman Catholic from bringing an ecclesiastical officer before a Court 
of Justice. Even under the Union Government this decree is a danger to 
the liberty of the subject. Under an independent Irish Government, 
nothing except that vast anti-clerical revolution which some people 
foresee could possibly reassure the people as to the attitude of the    
    
		
	
	
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