A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents | Page 5

to the Creeks of their remaining territory, and to maintain the same, if necessary, by a line of military posts," was wholly answered in the affirmative. The blank to be filled at the discretion of the President of the United States.
The fifth question, viz, "But if all offers should fail to induce the Creeks to make the desired cessions to Georgia, shall the commissioners make it an ultimatum?" was answered in the negative.
The sixth question being divided, the first part, containing as follows, viz, "If the said cessions shall not be made an ultimatum, shall the commissioners proceed and make a treaty and include the disputed lands within the limits which shall be assigned to the Creeks?" was answered in the negative.
The remainder, viz: "If not, shall a temporary boundary be marked making the Oconee the line, and the other parts of the treaty be concluded?"
"In this case shall a secure port be stipulated and the pecuniary and honorary considerations granted?"
"Is other general objects shall the treaties formed at Hopewell with the Cherokees, Chickesaws, and Choctaws be the basis of a treaty with the Creeks?" were all answered in the affirmative.
On the seventh question, viz, "Shall the sum of $20,000 appropriated to Indian expenses and treaties be wholly applied, if necessary, to a treaty with the Creeks? If not, what proportion?" it was agreed to advise and consent to appropriate the whole sum, if necessary, at the discretion of the President of the United States.
The President of the United States withdrew from the Senate Chamber, and the Vice-President put the question of adjournment, to which the Senate agreed.

UNITED STATES, _September 26, 1789_.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
Having yesterday received a letter written in this month by the governor of Rhode Island at the request and in behalf of the general assembly of that State, addressed to the President, the Senate, and the House of Representatives of the eleven United States of America in Congress assembled, I take the earliest opportunity of laying a copy of it before you.
Go. WASHINGTON.

STATE OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS, _In General Assembly, September Session, 1789_.
_To the President, the Senate, and the House of Representatives of the Eleven United States of America in Congress assembled_:
The critical situation in which the people of this State are placed engage us to make these assurances on their behalf of their attachment and friendship to their sister States and of their disposition to cultivate mutual harmony and friendly intercourse. They know themselves to be a handful, comparatively viewed; and although they now stand, as it were, alone, they have not separated themselves or departed from the principles of that Confederation which was formed by the sister States in their struggle for freedom and in the hour of danger. They seek by this memorial to call to your remembrance the hazards which we have run, the hardships we have endured, the treasure we have spent, and the blood we have lost together in one common cause, and especially the object we had in view--the preservation of our liberty; wherein, ability considered, they may truly say they were equal in exertions with the foremost, the effects whereof, in great embarrassments and other distresses consequent thereon, we have since experienced with severity; which common sufferings and common danger we hope and trust yet form a bond of union and friendship not easily to be broken.
Our not having acceded to or adopted the new system of government formed and adopted by most of our sister States we doubt not have given uneasiness to them. That we have not seen our way clear to do it consistent with our idea of the principles upon which we all embarked together has also given pain to us. We have not doubted but we might thereby avoid present difficulties, but we have apprehended future mischief. The people of this State from its first settlement have been accustomed and strongly attached to a democratical form of government. They have viewed in the Constitution an approach, though perhaps but small, toward that form of government from which we have lately dissolved our connection at so much hazard and expense of life and treasure; they have seen with pleasure the administration thereof from the most important trust downward committed to men who have highly merited and in whom the people of the United States place unbounded confidence. Yet even in this circumstance, in itself so fortunate, they have apprehended danger by way of precedent. Can it be thought strange, then, that with these impressions they should wait to see the proposed system organized and in operation, to see what further checks and securities would be agreed to and established, by way of amendments, before they could adopt it as a constitution of government for themselves and