The Land-War In Ireland (1870) | Page 3

are printed in the 'Concise View of the
Irish Society,' compiled from their records, and published by their
authority in 1832. Whenever I have been indebted to other writers, I
have acknowledged my obligation in the course of the work. In
preparing it, I have had but one object constantly in view: to present to
the public a careful collection and an impartial statement of facts on the
state of Ireland, for the right government of which the British people
are now more than ever responsible. I shall be thankful if my labours
should contribute in any measure, however humble, to the new
conquest of Ireland 'by justice' of which Mr. Bright has spoken. His
language is suggestive. It is late (happily not 'too late') to commence
the reign of justice. But the nation is not to be despised which requires
nothing more than that to win its heart, while its spirit could not be
conquered by centuries of injustice. Nor should it be forgotten by the
people of England that some atonement is due for past wrongs, not the
least of which is the vilification and distrust from which the Irish
people have suffered so much. 'The spirit of a man may sustain his
infirmity; but a wounded spirit who can bear?' Some manifestation of
Christian magnanimity just now would greatly help the work of
national reconciliation. The time is favourable. The Government enjoys
the prestige of an unparalleled success. The only Prime Minister that

ever dared to do full justice to Ireland, is the most powerful that
England has had for nearly a century. He has in his Cabinet the only
Chief Secretary of Ireland that ever thoroughly sympathised with the
nation, not excepting Lord Morpeth; the great tribune of the English
people, who has been one of the most eloquent advocates of Ireland; an
Ex-Viceroy who has pronounced it felony for the Irish landlords to
avail themselves of their legal rights, although he put down a rebellion
which that felony mainly provoked; another Ex-Governor, who was
one of the most earnest and conscientious that ever filled the viceregal
throne, and who returned to Parliament to be one of the ablest
champions of the country he had ruled so well; not to mention other
members of commanding ability, who are solemnly pledged to the
policy of justice. In these facts there is great promise. He understands
little of 'the signs of the times,' who does not see the dangers that hang
on the non-fulfilment of this promise.
J.G.
LONDON: _January 20_, 1870.

CONTENTS.
I. INTRODUCTION
II. THE RULE OF THE O'NEILLS
III. SHANE O'NEILL, SOVEREIGN OF ULSTER
IV. EXTERMINATING WARS
V. AN IRISH CRUSADE
VI. THE LAST OF THE IRISH PRINCES
VII. GOVERNMENT APPEALS TO THE PEOPLE
VIII. THE CASE OF THE FUGITIVE EARLS
IX. THE CONFISCATION OF ULSTER
X. THE PLANTATION OF ULSTER
XI. THE REBELLION OF 1641
XII. THE PURITAN PLANTATION
XIII. THE PENAL CODE. A NEW SYSTEM OF LAND WAR
XIV. ULSTER IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
XV. POVERTY AND COERCION
XVI. THE FAMINE
XVII. TENANT-RIGHT IN ULSTER
XVIII. TENANT-RIGHT IN DOWN

XIX. TENANT-RIGHT IN ANTRIM
XX. TENANT-RIGHT IN ARMAGH
XXI. FAKNEY--MR. TRENCH'S 'REALITIES'
XXII. BELFAST AND PERPETUITY
XXIII. LEASE-BREAKING--GEASHILL
XXIV. THE LAND SYSTEM AND THE WORKING CLASSES
XXV. CONCLUSION--AN APPEAL TO ENGLISHMEN
XVIII. TENANT-RIGHT IN DOWN 313
XIX. TENANT-RIGHT IN ANTRIM 328
XX. TENANT-RIGHT IN ARMAGH 346
XXI. FAKNEY--MR. TRENCH'S 'REALITIES' 356
XXII. BELFAST AND PERPETUITY 381
XXIII. LEASE-BREAKING--GEASHILL 387
XXIV. THE LAND SYSTEM AND THE WORKING CLASSES 401
XXV. CONCLUSION--AN APPEAL TO ENGLISHMEN 424

THE LAND-WAR IN IRELAND.

CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
As the hour approaches when the legislature must deal with the Irish
Land question, and settle it, like the Irish Church question, once for all,
attempts are redoubled to frighten the public with the difficulties of the
task. The alarmists conjure up gigantic apparitions more formidable
than those which encountered Bunyan's Pilgrim. Monstrous figures
frown along the gloomy avenue that, leads up to the Egyptian temple in
which the divinity, PROPERTY, dwells in mysterious darkness. To
enter the sanctuary, we are solemnly assured, requires all the cardinal
virtues in their highest state of development--the firmest faith, the most
vivid hope, and the charity that never faileth. But this is not the only
country that has had a land question to settle. Almost every nation in
Europe has done for itself what England is now palled upon to do for
Ireland. In fact, it is a necessary process in the transition from
feudalism to constitutional self-government. Feudalism gave the land to
a few whom it made princes and lords, having forcibly taken it from the

many, whom it made subjects and serfs. The land is the natural basis of
society. The Normans made it the artificial basis of a class. Society in
nearly every